# items

title: Thou Shalt Not: Treating Religious Trauma and Spiritual Harm With Combined Therapy
publication_date: 2013-01-01
volume: 37
issue: 4
pages: 323
publisher: Project MUSE
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: AlysonMStone-2013-ThouShaltNotTrea
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://muse.jhu.edu/article/844696
private: N
file_hash: 012839b61f0845c37d15bc884f610861
added_time: 2023-08-23 20:36:18
changed_time: 2023-08-23 20:42:51
abstract:
  That religion can be a source of harm and trauma is something most clinicians know well, yet this fact is underreported in the literature. Indeed, most of the existing research indicates a positive link between religion and mental health. There is likewise little information on spirituality's impact on mental health when it is used to bypass problems, feelings, and needs. This article addresses this deficit by exploring the potentially harmful effects of religion and spirituality. It highlights the role of secure attachment and the combination of individual and group therapy to treat religious trauma and spiritual struggles.


title: Ethical Implications of a Critical Legal Case for the Counseling Profession:<i>Ward v. Wilbanks</i>
publication_date: 2014-04-01
volume: 92
issue: 2
pages: 142-146
publisher: Wiley
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Kaplan-2014-EthicalImplications
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1002%2Fj.1556-6676.2014.00140.x
private: N
file_hash: d994cc1c6390dfc8a00516d8dafccbbe
added_time: 2023-08-23 20:44:18
changed_time: 2023-09-12 22:49:48
abstract:
  This article presents the official position of the American Counseling Association on a seminal legal case for professional counseling: Ward v. Wilbanks. The focus is on three key questions: Is it permissible to deny counseling services to a homosexual client on the basis of a counselor’s values? Can referrals be made at any time a counselor wishes to do so? When is a client a client?


publication_date: 2019-01-01
volume: 74
issue: 1
pages: 49-62
publisher: American Psychological Association (APA)
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Chavez-Duenas-2019-Healingethno-racial
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1037%2Famp0000289
private: N
file_hash: ac039c44af0de385813401055e2907be
added_time: 2023-08-23 20:48:23
changed_time: 2023-08-23 20:49:44
title:
  Healing ethno-racial trauma in Latinx immigrant communities: Cultivating hope, resistance, and action.

abstract:
  Latinx immigrants living in the United States often experience the negative effects of systemic oppression, which may lead to psychological distress, including ethno-racial trauma. We define ethno-racial trauma as the individual and/or collective psychological distress and fear of danger that results from experiencing or witnessing discrimination, threats of harm, violence, and intimidation directed at ethno-racial minority groups. This form of trauma stems from a legacy of oppressive laws, policies, and practices. Using an intersectionality framework, this article discusses the complex ways in which interlocking systems of oppression (e.g., racism, ethnocentrism, nativism, sexism) and anti-immigrant policies impact Latinxs individuals, families, and communities. The article also presents a framework to stimulate healing from ethno-racial trauma titled, HEART (Healing Ethno And Racial Trauma). Grounded in the principles of Liberation Psychology and trauma-informed care, the framework is composed of four phases. Each phase is
  accompanied by a goal to assist clinicians in helping individuals, families, and communities to achieve growth, wellness, and healing. The main objective of each phase is for Latinx immigrants to find relief, gain awareness, and cope with systemic oppression while encouraging resistance and
  protection from the external forces that cause ethno-racial trauma. Overall, our intention and hopeful expectation is that the content presented in this article serves as a call to action for psychologists to make psychology a Sanctuary Discipline by using and integrating intersectionality theory, trauma-
  informed care, and Liberation Psychology into policy, research, and practice with Latinx immigrants.


title: The dark side of leadership
publication_date: 1990-09-01
volume: 19
issue: 2
pages: 44-55
publisher: Elsevier BV
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Conger-1990-Thedarksideoflea
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1016%2F0090-2616%2890%2990070-6
private: N
file_hash: 54201004992579b4ca2d7dedbbcb381c
added_time: 2023-08-23 20:58:33
changed_time: 2023-08-26 13:20:36
abstract:
  In recent years, business leaders have gained great popularity: Lee Iaccoca and Steven Jobs, for example, have stepped into the limelight as agents of change and entrepreneurship. But though we tend to think of the positive outcomes associated with leaders, certain risks or liabilities are also entailed. The very behaviors that distinguish leaders from managers also have the potential to produce problematic or even disastrous outcomes for their organizations. For example, when a leader’s behaviors become exaggerated, lose touch with reality, or become vehicles for purely personal gain, they may harm the leader and the organization.  How do leaders produce such negative outcomes -and why? Three particular skill areas can contribute to such problems. These include leaders’ strategic vision, their communications and impression-management skills, and their general management practices. We will examine each to discover its darker side.


publication_date: 2019-05-03
volume: 10
publisher: Frontiers Media SA
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Tcholakian-2019-CollectiveTraumasa
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.3389%2Ffpsyg.2019.01009
private: N
file_hash: 8440f2068c9da1277b37f88d0fda0b50
added_time: 2023-08-29 14:41:04
changed_time: 2023-08-29 14:41:53
title:
  Collective Traumas and the Development of Leader Values: A Currently Omitted, but Increasingly Urgent, Research Area

abstract:
  The number of worldwide traumatic events is significant, yet the literature pays little attention to their implications for leader development. This article calls for a consideration of how collective trauma such as genocide and the Holocaust can shape the values of leaders, who are second- and third-generation descendants. Drawing on research on the transgenerational transmission of collective trauma and leader values, we show how collective trauma resides in (1) cultural rituals and artifacts, (2) community events and commemorations, and (3) family narratives is transmitted to leader descendants through at least three channels: social learning, social identity, and psychodynamics. We also offer propositions that recommend ways in which the transmission of these repositories can shape certain leader values that guide leader behaviors. Our conceptual review suggests
  that the transmission of collective trauma on leader development and leader values remains under-researched, offering prospects for new research and learning on the origins and seeds of leader development.


title: Introducing the Short Dark Triad (SD3): A Brief Measure of Dark Personality Traits
publication_date: 2014-01-01
volume: 21
issue: 1
pages: 28­–41
publisher: SAGE
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Jones-2014-IntroducingtheShor
bibtex_type: article
private: N
file_hash: b81c9f637e45fa770acac1ecd3fab9fd
added_time: 2023-09-13 19:11:51
changed_time: 2023-09-13 19:24:13
abstract:
  Three socially aversive traits—Machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy—have been studied as an overlapping constellation known as the Dark Triad. Here, we develop and validate the Short Dark Triad (SD3), a brief proxy measure.
  Four studies (total N = 1,063) examined the structure, reliability, and validity of the subscales in both community and student samples. In Studies 1 and 2, structural analyses yielded three factors with the final 27 items loading appropriately on their respective factors. Study 3 confirmed that the resulting SD3 subscales map well onto the longer standard measures. Study 4 validated the SD3 subscales against informant ratings. Together, these studies indicate that the SD3 provides efficient, reliable, and valid measures of the Dark Triad of personalities.


title: The Dark Side of Leadership: Measurement, Assessment, and Intervention
publication_date: 2013-01-01
volume: 8
issue: 2-3
pages: 35-53
publisher: The Business Renaissance Institute
place_published: Pasadena, California
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: McCleskey-2013-TheDarkSideofLea
bibtex_type: article
private: N
file_hash: 0a22558e02338c09fe48be492bf59baa
added_time: 2023-09-13 19:11:55
changed_time: 2023-09-13 19:24:49
abstract:
  This manuscript addresses derailment, narcissism, and Machiavellianism individually, discusses the assessment of dark leadership, and describes various strategies intended to ad-dress dark leadership in organizational settings. Kellerman (2004) suggested that despite decades of unconditional positive regard toward leaders and leadership, “flawed leaders are everywhere”
  (p. 41), and in many cases, bad or unworthy individuals hold leadership positions successfully. The multifaceted study of these leaders and their behavior is dark leadership. Dark leadership encompasses the concepts of derailment, narcissism, and Machiavellianism. The research conducted over the past five years, along with a hand full of seminal sources presented
  here, describe the empirical work on dark leadership within these three facets.


title: Community Psychology and Liberation Theologies: Commonalities, Collaboration, Dilemmas
publication_date: 2011-09-01
volume: 39
issue: 3
pages: 200-210
publisher: SAGE Publications
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Todd-2011-CommunityPsychology
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1177%2F009164711103900303
private: N
file_hash: dd802753281bd87d14cc82cda4b9c650
added_time: 2023-09-13 19:30:45
changed_time: 2023-09-13 19:31:27
abstract:
  Community psychology and liberation theologies share an emphasis on personal and social transformation through a process of liberation. Emerging in the 1960s in the climate of social change movements, both fields serve to challenge the dominant discourse of how and why to perform the tasks of theology and psychology. My purpose in this article is to put these fields into dialogue, with a focus on commonalities, collaboration, and dilemmas. After presenting an overview of the fields and their commonalities, I posit that liberation theologies can enrich the why and where of liberating structural change, whereas community psychology can enrich the how with conceptual tools such as multiple levels of analysis and social change strategies. I conclude with dilemmas internal to these fields and inherent in collaboration. My goal is to promote theoretical and practical collaboration in the quest for liberatory social change.


publication_date: 2020-07-01
volume: 99
publisher: International Institute for Science, Technology and Education
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: unknown-2020-ImmigrationandPoli
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.7176%2Fjlpg%2F99-06
private: N
file_hash: d4ce3f7cd8b03c6236fc11744285b96c
added_time: 2023-09-13 19:45:00
changed_time: 2023-09-13 19:48:50
title:
  Immigration and Politics in the 21st Century: The Rise of Nationalism Versus Pluralism in the United States

abstract:
  This paper examines the changing concept of pluralism in the United States, especially, in the aftermath of President Trump’s zeitgeist hard line immigration policy. Trump’s immigration agenda is forcefully manifested in ultra-nationalism tendencies including “trade war” (Economy, 2019), “economic populism” (Lenz and Gunter, 2017), “separation of young children from their parents at the border,” “claim of presidential powers to nullify the constitutional right to birthright citizenship” (Shapiro, 2019), “white identity politics” (Confessore, 2016), “racial resentment” (Harris, 2018), “racist nativist micro-aggressions” (Gomez and Huber, 2019), inciting racist and xenophobic rhetoric, such as “anti-Mexicanism and Islamophobia” (Huerta, 2017, p. 57) by the President in the push to advance his “Make America Great Again” and “America First” agendas. The meanness associated
  with Trump’s rhetoric evokes isolationism, anti-multiculturalism, intolerance, hate, and undermines America’s leadership role in the world. Bill Gates, cofounder of Microsoft Corporation, is not remiss: “America First worldview concerns me. It’s not that the United States shouldn’t look out for its people. The question is how best to do that. My view is that engaging with the world has proven over time to benefit everyone, including Americans, more than withdrawing does” (Gates and Gates, 2018). Using Trump’s efforts to end Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program as a case study, this paper will discuss the administration’s attempts to roll back American pluralism. In addition, the paper will discuss the political ascendency of Trump
  and its unfolding implications. Furthermore, the paper will discuss the ideals of America’s pluralism not only as the pillar of the American way, but also, as the important glue that binds and fosters American diversity, and boosts the U.S. economy. The paper will utilize nationalism theory framework of analysis to conceptualize and explain Trump’s brand of nationalism in contemporary global politics. The paper will add to the body of knowledge and literature on the subject of nationalism. The terms populism and nationalism will be used interchangeably.


title: The Dark Side of Resilience
publication_date: 2021-09-01
volume: 2
issue: 3
pages: 147-155
publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Mahdiani-2021-TheDarkSideofRes
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs42844-021-00031-z
private: N
file_hash: 0074e56d83a75af0ab2b8b04db070f88
added_time: 2023-09-13 19:45:10
changed_time: 2023-09-13 19:46:14
abstract:
  Is resilience always adaptive and functional, or can resilience be maladaptive in contexts where it masks vulnerability or prevents effective action to address risk? In this paper, we propose a new reading of resilience research which challenges the prevailing positive perspective and instead proposes that negative aspects of resilience are common. We focus on studying resilience on a spectrum, distinguishing between degrees of functionality by asking three questions: (1) Is there a wrong degree of resilience? (2) Is there a wrong context for resilience? and (3) Is there a wrong type of resilience? We conclude with reflections on the dark side of resilience by differentiating between functional and less functional adaptation in relation to contexts, degrees of risk, and types of resilience shown.


title: Trauma-Informed Pedagogy for the Religious and Theological Higher Education Classroom
publication_date: 2020-09-02
volume: 11
issue: 9
pages: 449
publisher: MDPI AG
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Stephens-2020-Trauma-InformedPeda
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.3390%2Frel11090449
private: N
file_hash: e7470b84981e1ce9baff878fb1fc2634
added_time: 2023-09-26 14:29:43
changed_time: 2023-09-26 14:31:03
abstract:
  This article promotes a wider understanding of trauma-informed pedagogy for the higher education classroom, whether in-person or virtual, focusing on undergraduate and graduate teaching in religious studies and theological education. Trauma is not confined to individual experiences of single horrifying events—trauma can be collective (community-wide, e.g., COVID-19), epigenetic (inherited or intergenerational), social-cultural (e.g., racism), or vicarious. Drawing on religious education literature and recent insights from psychology, neuroscience, and public health studies, this article provides a shared basis for further development of trauma-informed pedagogy by religious and theological educators. A principle feature of this article is bibliographic, portraying the state of scholarship at the intersection of religious education and trauma and pointing to resources necessary for further development. It offers a brief survey of extant literature, presents a basic definition and description of trauma, introduces the features of a trauma-informed community approach, and discusses the core values guiding trauma-informed pedagogy. The article also explores religious aspects of trauma and discusses care for instructors, who deal with their own traumatic pasts as well as the secondary effects of encountering, teaching, and supporting traumatized individuals in the religious education classroom. This article concludes with a call for further research.


title: Psychological trauma and moral injury in religious leaders during COVID-19.
publication_date: 2020-08-01
volume: 12
issue: S1
pages: S143-S145
publisher: American Psychological Association (APA)
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Greene-2020-Psychologicaltrauma
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1037%2Ftra0000641
private: N
file_hash: 1dc3b4ee06dfb539d2a090ebd8ccd926
added_time: 2023-09-26 14:53:27
changed_time: 2023-09-26 14:55:00
abstract:
  Religious leaders are at risk of psychological trauma and moral injury during the COVID-19 pandemic. This article highlights potentially traumatic or morally injurious experiences for religious leaders and provides evidence-based recommendations for mitigating their impact.


title: Christian Shame and Religious Trauma
publication_date: 2022-10-03
volume: 13
issue: 10
pages: 925
publisher: MDPI AG
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Downie-2022-ChristianShameand
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.3390%2Frel13100925
private: N
file_hash: 128246dc4e9bdfa480eadb6836f61d39
added_time: 2023-09-27 14:00:21
changed_time: 2023-09-27 15:07:07
abstract:
  The analysis of religious trauma is enriched by considering how it may be produced by formation in chronic shame. The testimony of those who have experienced religious trauma and severe religious shame is essential to interdisciplinary understanding of and response to this harm. The experiences of those harmed indicates that some traditional Christian doctrinal interpretations are shaming. Thus, the potential for Christian communities to create climates of chronic shame and cause religious trauma is present wherever such theological interpretations dominate. In this way, the religious teachings themselves, especially when communicated in chronically shaming environments, are traumatizing. In this approach, Christian religious trauma is not an added element to traumas of domestic, physical, or sexual abuse by a religious person or leader. Instead, the source of the trauma is formative experience of participating in Christianity. Religious trauma merits interdisciplinary study in Religious Studies and trauma studies, as well as Christian theology. Theological response to Christian religious trauma contributes to this interdisciplinary need.


title: Traversing trauma: Resilient women’s religious and spiritual stories of hope and strength.
publication_date: 2023-04-01
volume: 54
issue: 2
pages: 177-187
publisher: American Psychological Association (APA)
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Jerome-2023-TraversingtraumaR
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1037%2Fpro0000491
private: N
file_hash: 258d23cbea4bffdf156a0dbc4d72d5a8
added_time: 2023-09-27 18:01:41
changed_time: 2025-10-06 17:56:55
abstract:
  For many individuals, religious and spiritual (R/S) beliefs are a central part of their worldview and provide substantial support when adapting to and coping with life’s challenges. As mental health professionals provide supportive services, they must carefully consider ways to incorporate clients’ R/S beliefs into culturally sensitive and responsive interventions. To gain insight into clients’ adaptive coping when relying on R/S beliefs, this research explored the experiences of 39 women from Christian, Islamic, and Jewish traditions. Each of these individuals accessed their R/S beliefs to adaptively cope following a severe life event. Individual interviews (90–120 min) were conducted with each participant. Employing interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA), a systematic review of interview transcripts revealed four common themes of reliance on R/S coping: (a) engaging in important relationships with others who also shared a strong R/S core belief system (CBS), (b) integrating R/S practices with psychological strategies, (c) experiencing and acknowledging divine intervention, and (d) reframing experiences through the use of R/S-oriented thoughts and beliefs. Regardless of religious denomination, participants reported similar R/S coping processes. Participants’ reliance on R/S coping and a strong CBS in a Supreme Being were powerful, stabilizing, and beneficial forces. These findings suggest the importance of mental health professionals understanding, validating, and drawing upon clients’ R/S beliefs, practices, and experiences. This article emphasizes the critical need to better prepare mental health professionals, who may feel insufficiently prepared, to incorporate R/S issues in therapy.


title: Religious/spiritual abuse and trauma: A systematic review of the empirical literature.
publication_date: 2022-12-01
volume: 9
issue: 4
pages: 213-231
publisher: American Psychological Association (APA)
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Ellis-2022-Religiousspiritual
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1037%2Fscp0000301
private: N
file_hash: c028ed8d2dae9126598406bd593e04e2
added_time: 2023-09-27 18:40:27
changed_time: 2025-10-06 17:14:53
abstract:
  Religion and spirituality (R/S) play an important role in the lives of many. Although R/S can be a resource when coping with stress, it can also be a source of stress or trauma. We sought to review the extant empirical research on R/S abuse and trauma. Our systematic review identified 25 studies that met the inclusion criteria. The empirical findings of the studies are organized into eight sections: (a) definitions of R/S abuse and trauma, (b) prevalence of R/S abuse and trauma, (c) entering/exiting abusive religious communities, (d) the intersection of R/S abuse and trauma and domestic violence, (e) the role of the R/S community in the abuse, (f) negative outcomes associated with R/S abuse and trauma, (g) identity changes associated with R/S abuse and trauma, and (h) prevention and clinical treatment of R/S abuse and trauma. We conclude by discussing limitations of the review, areas for future research, and implications for clinical practice.


title: Phenomenological Research Methodology
publication_date: 2019-05-25
volume: VII
issue: V
publisher: Scientific Research Journal SCIRJ
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Greening-2019-PhenomenologicalRes
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.31364%2Fscirj%2Fv7.i5.2019.p0519656
private: N
file_hash: a0e636a4f3cb376374b7989b0ee07a64
added_time: 2023-11-08 19:01:06
changed_time: 2023-11-08 19:02:44
abstract:
  The phenomenological research methodology relates to several approaches that in turn, they are applied to single cases or to the
  deliberate samples that are carefully chosen. Like individual studies, it is easier to identify issues that show discrepancies, failures, favorable inferences, and attention to distinct situations while conducting management research (Groenewald, 2004 pg. 87). Clark Moustak as theoretical underpinnings of phenomenology guide the reader through the process of how to manage a phenomenological study step-by-step. And so, this provides more in-depth insights on the successful phenomenological studies from distinct contexts, including the field of healthcare, therapy, psychology, victimology, as well as investigations involving gender. While conducting a phenomenological research methodology, it often pertains the four necessary steps of Bracketing, Intuiting, Analyzing and Describing. This paper looks at Phenomenological Research Methodology Applied in a Nursing Context.


publication_date: 2020-12-01
volume: 20
issue: 1
publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Sibeoni-2020-Aspecificmethodfo
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1186%2Fs12874-020-01099-4
private: N
file_hash: 6157caa9976a0c6691dd5ba172368a7a
added_time: 2023-11-08 19:12:44
changed_time: 2023-11-08 19:12:44
title:
  A specific method for qualitative medical research: the IPSE (Inductive Process to analyze the Structure of lived Experience) approach


title: Humanistic Learning Theory in Counselor Education
publication_date: 2019-12-01
volume: 9
issue: 4
pages: 358-368
publisher: The Professional Counselor at the National Board for Certified Counselors
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Purswell-2019-HumanisticLearning
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.15241%2Fkep.9.4.358
private: N
file_hash: 6ad115e7381bb8df448bf256f6c92e52
added_time: 2024-06-04 15:18:40
changed_time: 2024-06-04 15:20:07
abstract:
  The purpose of this paper is to explain how humanistic learning theory is applicable to current counselor education practices. A review of humanistic learning theory and the rationale for the application of the learning theory to counselor education provide a framework for application of these concepts to counselor education classrooms. Specifically, a person-centered framework is applied to the seeming incompatibility of external accreditation standards and humanistic learning theory. I propose suggestions for implementing humanistic, person-centered learning theory within counselor education programs and courses, focusing special attention on the attitudes and values of the counselor educator as these principles are applied.


title: Assessing Racial Microaggression Distress in a Diverse Sample
publication_date: 2015-12-01
volume: 38
issue: 4
pages: 464-490
publisher: SAGE Publications
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Torres-Harding-2015-AssessingRacialMic
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0163278714550860
private: N
file_hash: 73654d470f1ec41831039c3a57bed69f
added_time: 2024-06-25 15:01:39
changed_time: 2025-10-06 17:04:42
abstract:
  Racial microaggressions are everyday subtle or ambiguous racially related insults, slights, mistreatment, or invalidations. Racial microaggressions are a type of perceived racism that may negatively impact the health and wellbeing of people of color in the United States. This study examined the reliability and validity of the Racial Microaggression Scale distress subscales, which measure the perceived stressfulness of six types of microaggression experiences in a racially and ethnically diverse sample. These subscales exhibited acceptable to good internal consistency. The distress subscales also evidenced good convergent validity; the distress subscales were positively correlated with additional measures of stressfulness due to experiencing microaggressions or everyday discrimination. When controlling for the frequency of one’s exposure to microaggression incidents, some racial/ethnic group differences were found. Asian Americans reported comparatively lower distress and Latinos reporting comparatively higher distress in response to Foreigner, Low-Achieving, Invisibility, and Environmental microaggressions. African Americans reported higher distress than the other groups in response to Environmental microaggressions. Results suggest that the Racial Microaggressions Scale distress subscales may aid health professionals in assessing the distress elicited by different types of microaggressions. In turn, this may facilitate diagnosis and treatment planning in order to provide multiculturally competent care for African American, Latino, and Asian American clients.


publication_date: 2017-05-01
volume: 87
issue: 2
pages: 193-206
publisher: Wiley
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Embrick-2017-MorethanJustInsul
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1111%2Fsoin.12184
private: N
file_hash: a3feb31cf9ba9e7e1048e8d234bf5b30
added_time: 2024-06-26 13:59:08
changed_time: 2024-06-26 13:59:08
title:
  More than Just Insults: Rethinking Sociology's Contribution to Scholarship on Racial Microaggressions


publication_date: 2022-03-16
volume: 13
publisher: Frontiers Media SA
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Algner-2022-YourePrettierWhen
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.3389%2Ffpsyg.2022.809862
private: N
file_hash: 94a343527f79c67241220592976f6c7a
added_time: 2024-06-26 13:59:10
changed_time: 2024-06-26 13:59:10
title:
  You’re Prettier When You Smile: Construction and Validation of a Questionnaire to Assess Microaggressions Against Women in the Workplace


title: We Need To Retire the Term Microaggressions
publication_date: 2022-03-08
publisher: Harvard Business Review
place_published: Online
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Tulshyan-2022-WeNeedToRetireth
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://hbr.org/2022/03/we-need-to-retire-the-term-microaggressions
private: N
file_hash: a4183d59fa43cf7a978952a52681cf22
added_time: 2024-06-26 14:07:44
changed_time: 2024-06-26 14:10:21
abstract:
  The term “microaggressions” was coined in the 1970s by Harvard University professor Chester Pierce to describe the subtle, everyday ways that Black people experienced discrimination from their white counterparts. Use of the term has since become more widespread. It’s powerful to have a commonly understood way to articulate these issues and address the impact they have on the experiences of marginalized people, including in the workplace. As more leaders focus on creating inclusive work cultures and strive to make meaningful change in their organizations, more need to be aware and understand the effects of these exclusionary, biased actions — and they must stop using the term “microaggressions” to describe them. The author explains why the term is inadequate and why the language we use to describe these harmful, accumulating actions is so important.


publication_date: 2002-07-01
volume: 40
issue: 7
pages: 825-838
publisher: Elsevier BV
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Abramowitz-2002-Religiousobsessions
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fs0005-7967%2801%2900070-5
private: N
file_hash: 369fa4724828314f7ba32f4632a4174c
added_time: 2024-10-31 14:24:33
changed_time: 2024-10-31 14:24:33
title:
  Religious obsessions and compulsions in a non-clinical sample: the Penn Inventory of Scrupulosity (PIOS)


title: Cultural Tariffing: Appropriation and the Right to Cross Cultural Boundaries
publication_date: 2024-04-01
volume: 89
issue: 2
pages: 346-390
publisher: SAGE Publications
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Oshotse-2024-CulturalTariffing
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224231225665
private: N
file_hash: 7f974e8b89c1301eaeb10c6d872913ec
added_time: 2025-04-04 15:38:53
changed_time: 2025-04-04 15:44:17
abstract:
  Why are some acts of cultural boundary-crossing considered permissible whereas others are repudiated as cultural appropriation? We argue that perceptions of cultural appropriation have formed in response to the emergence of cultural omnivorousness as a dominant form of high-status consumption, making boundary-crossing a source of cultural capital. Consequently, the right to adopt a practice from a culture that is not one’s own is determined on the basis of the costs and benefits one is presumed to accrue. People express disapproval at boundary-crossing if they believe that it devalues or extracts value at the expense of the target culture. We call this process cultural tariffing. We test our theory in a between-subject experimental design, demonstrating that those who enjoy a privileged social position, as inferred from their social identity or socioeconomic status, have less normative latitude to cross cultural boundaries. This is explained by perceptions that these actors are either devaluing or exploiting the target
  culture. While symbolic boundaries and cultural distinction theories are inconsistent with our results, we find that Americans who are disenchanted about group-based social mobility are the ones most likely to be outraged by cultural boundary-crossing. Cultural tariffing, we therefore posit, is a form of symbolic redistribution.


publication_date: 2024-01-02
volume: 18
issue: 1
pages: 39-57
publisher: Informa UK Limited
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Toscano-2024-TheContinuedExplor
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1080%2F26924951.2023.2293294
private: N
file_hash: c2b8a0db5a154649af35283330e8997e
added_time: 2025-04-04 16:56:29
changed_time: 2025-04-04 16:59:24
title:
  The Continued Exploration of Self-Acceptance: Creating a Normative Sample and Examining the Incremental Validity of the FSA-SGI

abstract:
  Whether in research or clinical setting, the use of standardized measures allows for more accurate comparisons and interpretations. To this end and to better understand the Factors of Self-Acceptance - Sexual and Gender Identities (FSA-SGI) Scale, data from 1237 individuals who identify as LGBQþ, regardless of gender identity, was analyzed in order to create a norms group whose descriptives will be utilized to create standardized scores for future research and clinical work. Additionally, the FSA-SGI evidenced incremental validity over personality and internalized homophobia; thus, indicating that for
  LGBTQþindividuals, psychological well-being is comprised of both internal and external factors.


publication_date: 2010-03-01
volume: 94
issue: 1
pages: 75-92
publisher: SAGE Publications
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Ghorashi-2010-FromAbsoluteInvisi
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1057%2Ffr.2009.38
private: N
file_hash: e17a0e38d3051a49f0cdf3a7a215972a
added_time: 2025-04-15 00:23:00
changed_time: 2025-04-15 00:25:38
title:
  From Absolute Invisibility to Extreme Visibility: Emancipation Trajectory of Migrant Women in the Netherlands

abstract:
  The Christian church in the U.S. has historically played the roles of both advocator and oppressor of the disenfranchised. Christian views on advocacy, justice, social welfare, and social services are often intertwined with the mainstream opinions of the time. Yet, some groups of Christians have also been at the forefront of human rights movements, convicted by their religious beliefs.
  Currently, in the wake of 9/11, mass migration, and the rise of populism in the U.S., there is a collective anxiety in the U.S. against immigrants, refugees, and Muslims. Attitudes of othering—“us versus them”—have targeted these internationally vulnerable groups. This study examined whether othering attitudes and humanitarian attitudes could predict Christian religious affiliation, using the 2012 Chicago Council Survey on American Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, a representative national sample of adults (N = 1702). Logistic regression analysis examined the relationships between othering attitudes (belief that the U.S. is inherently greater than other nations and attitudes towards immigrants, refugees, and Muslims), humanitarian attitudes (importance of defending and promoting human rights and combatting world hunger), and religious affiliation (Christian or Non-Christian). Results showed humanitarian variables were not significant predictors of religious affiliation. However, othering variables
  were significant predictors of religious affiliation. This study offers insight into the increased need to address the subtle discrimination that may be negatively affecting Christian community engagement with disenfranchised immigrant,
  refugee, and Muslim groups.


publication_date: 2020-01-01
volume: 15
issue: 4
pages: e0231929-e0231929
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Goldman-2020-Perceivedlossesof
bibtex_type: article
private: N
file_hash: a6871ae8d127e7c9bc3b7a9119295955
added_time: 2025-04-15 00:30:53
changed_time: 2025-04-15 00:30:53
title:
  Perceived losses of scientific integrity under the Trump administration: A survey of federal scientists.

abstract:
  President Trump and his administration have been regarded by news outlets and scholars as one of the most hostile administrations towards scientists and their work. However, no study to-date has empirically measured how federal scientists perceive the Trump administration with respect to their scientific work. In 2018, we distributed a survey to over 63,000 federal scientists from 16 federal agencies to assess their perception of scientific integrity. Here we discuss the results of this survey for a subset of these agencies: Department of Interior (DOI) agencies (the US Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS), the US Geological Survey, and the National Park Service); the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC); the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA); the Food and Drug Administration (FDA); and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). We focus our analysis to 10 key questions fitting within three core categories that relate to perceptions of integrity in science. Additionally, we analyzed responses across agencies and compare responses in the 2018 survey to prior year surveys of federal scientists with similar survey questions. Our results indicate that federal scientists perceive losses of scientific integrity under the Trump Administration. Perceived loss of integrity in science was greater at the DOI and EPA where federal scientists ranked incompetent and untrustworthy leadership as top barriers to science-based decision-making, but this was not the case at the CDC, FDA, and NOAA where scientists positively associated leadership with scientific integrity. We also find that reports of political interference in scientific work and adverse work environments were higher at EPA and FWS in 2018 than in prior years. We did not find similar results at the CDC and FDA. These results suggest that leadership, positive work environments, and clear and comprehensive scientific integrity policies and infrastructure within agencies play important roles in how federal scientists perceive their agency's scientific integrity.

affiliation:
  Center for Survey Statistics and Methodology, Iowa State University, Ames, IA, United States of America.

urls:
  https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/32324823|https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7179855/pdf/


publication_date: 2015-01-01
volume: 41
issue: 1
pages: 47-53
publisher: Elsevier BV
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Alabi-2015-RacialMicroaggressi
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.acalib.2014.10.008
private: N
file_hash: 57fbd05f6ff60738e00e997df855e2bb
added_time: 2025-08-21 20:05:12
changed_time: 2025-08-21 20:05:12
title:
  Racial Microaggressions in Academic Libraries: Results of a Survey of Minority and Non-minority Librarians


title: Spiritually Integrated Psychotherapy Understanding and Addressing the Sacred
publication_date: 2008-01-01
publisher: Guilford
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Pargament-2008-SpirituallyIntegrat
bibtex_type: article
private: N
file_hash: 54a70f1fb603a674d8911ceca0538895
added_time: 2025-08-21 20:14:33
changed_time: 2025-08-21 20:21:30
abstract:
  This book explores the integration of spirituality into psychotherapy, highlighting its significance in the therapeutic process. Kenneth Pargament, an academic clinical psychologist, combines clinical wisdom and empirical research to provide guidance for therapists to address the spiritual dimensions that clients bring into therapy. The work delves into the definition of spirituality, its distinction from religion, and the ways in which spiritual practices can be incorporated into psychotherapeutic interventions, emphasizing the need for therapists to engage with these aspects of clients' lives for effective treatment.


publication_date: 2024-08-22
volume: 0
issue: 0
publisher: Sage
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Li-2024-BeingSpiritualbut
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1177/00221678241273353
private: N
file_hash: 1bbdbe8296fbcb474d7909add2c87cd9
added_time: 2025-10-06 14:48:46
changed_time: 2025-10-06 17:03:15
title:
  Being Spiritual but Not Religious (SBNR): Testing the Tripartite Meaning in Life Model With Beliefs in Free Will and Determinism as Meaning Frameworks

abstract:
  Although there is an upward trend in people who self-identify as “spiritual but not religious” (SBNR), they largely remain understudied in psychology. Multiculturally and ethically, it is important for psychologists to possess informed knowledge to work with individuals with religious and spiritual backgrounds. Guided by the Tripartite Model of Meaning in Life and conceptualizing beliefs in free will and determinism as meaning frameworks, this study examined the associations among meaning frameworks, meaning dimensions (i.e., comprehension, purpose, and mattering), and meaning judgment among SBNRs. Results indicated that belief in free will was positively associated with all three meaning dimensions but not meaning judgment. Belief in free will positively predicted all three meaning dimensions and meaning judgment. Mediation analyses revealed that belief in free will was indirectly associated with meaning judgment through its positive relation with comprehension. Belief in determinism was not associated with any study variables; purpose and mattering did not mediate the relation between meaning frameworks and meaning judgment. These findings provide important implications for psychologists who work with SBNRs regarding their culturally distinct experiences of existential meaning. The strengths and limitations of the current study as well as future research directions are discussed.


title: The brief resilience scale: Assessing the ability to bounce back
publication_date: 2008-09-01
volume: 15
issue: 3
pages: 194-200
publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Smith-2008-Thebriefresilience
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1080%2F10705500802222972
private: N
file_hash: bd1573197a0df399d3e1150f643cafba
added_time: 2025-10-06 14:48:49
changed_time: 2025-10-06 18:34:56
abstract:
  While resilience has been defined as resistance to illness, adaptation,
  and thriving, the ability to bounce back or recover from stress is closest to its original
  meaning. Previous resilience measures assess resources that may promote resilience
  rather than recovery, resistance, adaptation, or thriving. Purpose: To test a new
  brief resilience scale. Method: The brief resilience scale (BRS) was created to assess
  the ability to bounce back or recover from stress. Its psychometric characteristics
  were examined in four samples, including two student samples and samples with
  cardiac and chronic pain patients. Results: The BRS was reliable and measured as
  a unitary construct. It was predictably related to personal characteristics, social
  relations, coping, and health in all samples. It was negatively related to anxiety,
  depression, negative affect, and physical symptoms when other resilience measures
  and optimism, social support, and Type D personality (high negative affect and
  high social inhibition) were controlled. There were large differences in BRS scores
  between cardiac patients with and without Type D and women with and without
  fibromyalgia. Conclusion: The BRS is a reliable means of assessing resilience as the
  ability to bounce back or recover from stress and may provide unique and important
  information about people coping with health-related stressors


publication_date: 2022-12-01
volume: 61
issue: 6
pages: 4635-4673
publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Upenieks-2022-ChangesinSpiritual
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1007%2Fs10943-022-01540-6
private: N
file_hash: 8506b7a8818c42f3dff0d93a9ae3c78f
added_time: 2025-10-06 14:48:51
changed_time: 2025-10-06 17:15:59
title:
  Changes in Spiritual but Not Religious Identity and Well-Being in Emerging Adulthood in the United States: Pathways to Health Sameness?

abstract:
  The “spiritual but not religious” (SBNR) are a growing group in the religious landscape of the United States. Thousands of studies to date have been devoted to the study of religion and health, but far less attention has been given to the study of the “spiritual but not religious.” In this study, we address this gap by using two waves of longitudinal data from the National Study of Youth and Religion (2005–2008). We assess whether within-person changes in SBNR identity are associated with health and mental health in emerging adulthood and consider several pathways that may account for observed differences. Results suggest that consistently identifying as SBNR was associated with worse physical and mental health relative to youth that were consistently religious. Using parametric mediation analyses, we found evidence that three of our four proposed mediators (religious attendance, sense of closeness to God, and religious doubt, but not life meaning) partially explained these mental health differences. This study therefore makes an important advance in assessing the health implications of (non)-religion/spirituality early in the life course.


publication_date: 2020-10-24
volume: 11
issue: 11
pages: 551
publisher: MDPI AG
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Piedmont-2020-SpiritualCrisisas
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.3390%2Frel11110551
private: N
file_hash: 9a0380224f2e156caface40a48a7caca
added_time: 2025-10-06 14:48:53
changed_time: 2025-10-06 14:48:53
title:
  Spiritual Crisis as a Unique Causal Predictor of Emotional and Characterological Impairment in Atheists and Agnostics: Numinous Motivations as Universal Psychological Qualities


title: A systematic review and meta-analysis of the Everyday Discrimination Scale and biomarker outcomes
publication_date: 2022-08-01
volume: 142
pages: 105772
publisher: Elsevier BV
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Lawrence-2022-Asystematicreview
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.psyneuen.2022.105772
private: N
file_hash: 187df9bfb03a006c1fe96df51380a4a5
added_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:25
changed_time: 2025-11-13 19:39:50
abstract:
  Discrimination has consistently been associated with multiple adverse health outcomes. Like other psychosocial stressors, discrimination is thought to impact health through stress-related physiologic pathways including hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis activation, dysregulation of inflammation responses, and accelerated cellular aging. Given growing attention to research examining the biological pathways through which discrimination becomes embodied, this systematic review and meta-analysis synthesizes empirical evidence examining relationships between self-reported discrimination and four biomarker outcomes (i.e., cortisol, C-reactive protein (CRP), interleukin-6 (IL-6), and telomere length) among studies that have used the Everyday Discrimination Scale. We conducted a systematic review of studies discussing self-reported, everyday, or chronic discrimination in the context of health by searching Medline / PubMed (National Library of Medicine, NCBI), PsycInfo (APA, Ebsco) and Web of Science
  Core Collection (Clarivate). Twenty-five articles met the criteria for meta-analysis, with several reporting on multiple outcomes. Discrimination was associated with elevated CRP levels (r = 0.11; 95% CI: 0.01, 0.20, k = 10), though not cortisol (r = 0.05; 95% CI: −0.06, 0.16, k = 9), IL-6 (r = 0.05; 95% CI: −0.32, 0.42, k = 5), or telomere length (r = 0.03; 95% CI: −0.01, 0.07, k = 6). We identify several points of consideration for future research including addressing heterogeneity in assessment of biomarker outcomes and the need for longitudinal assessments of relationships between discrimination and biomarker outcomes.


title: A systematic review and meta-analysis of the Everyday Discrimination Scale and biomarker outcomes
publication_date: 2022-08-01
volume: 142
pages: 105772
publisher: Elsevier BV
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Lawrence-2022-Asystematicreview
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1016%2Fj.psyneuen.2022.105772
private: N
file_hash: c893d78220be534afafd370dbe972ac5
added_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:26
changed_time: 2025-11-13 19:31:04
abstract:
  Discrimination has consistently been associated with multiple adverse health outcomes. Like other psychosocial stressors, discrimination is thought to impact health through stress-related physiologic pathways including hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis activation, dysregulation of inflammation responses, and accelerated cellular aging. Given growing attention to research examining the biological pathways through which discrim­ination becomes embodied, this systematic review and meta-analysis synthesizes empirical evidence examining relationships between self-reported discrimination and four biomarker outcomes (i.e., cortisol, C-reactive protein (CRP), interleukin-6 (IL-6), and telomere length) among studies that have used the Everyday Discrimination Scale. We conducted a systematic review of studies discussing self-reported, everyday, or chronic discrimination in the context of health by searching Medline / PubMed (National Library of Medicine, NCBI), PsycInfo (APA, Ebsco) and Web of Science Core Collection (Clarivate). Twenty-five articles met the criteria for meta-analysis, with several reporting on multiple outcomes. Discrimination was associated with elevated CRP levels (r = 0.11; 95% CI: 0.01, 0.20, k = 10), though not cortisol (r = 0.05; 95% CI: − 0.06, 0.16, k = 9), IL-6 (r = 0.05; 95% CI: − 0.32, 0.42, k = 5), or telomere length (r = 0.03; 95% CI: − 0.01, 0.07, k = 6). We identify several points of consideration for future research including addressing heterogeneity in assessment of biomarker outcomes and the need for longitudinal assessments of relationships between discrimination and biomarker outcomes.


publication_date: 2025-04-01
volume: 116
issue: 2
pages: 219-230
publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Mudhikwa-2025-Factorialinvariance
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.17269%2Fs41997-024-00966-7
private: N
file_hash: 96575655fa04e7caa778c3fff9479336
added_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:29
changed_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:29
title:
  Factorial invariance of the Everyday Discrimination Scale among African, Caribbean, Black, and other racialized women living with and without HIV in British Columbia, Canada


publication_date: 2022-09-02
volume: 31
issue: 3
pages: 247-261
publisher: Informa UK Limited
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Slemon-2022-Analysisofthesoci
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1080%2F14461242.2021.1969980
private: N
file_hash: 093b556dad8132e9b36a2d73c983c86e
added_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:31
changed_time: 2025-11-13 19:41:59
title:
  Analysis of the social consequences and value implications of the Everyday Discrimination Scale (EDS): implications for measurement of discrimination in health research

abstract:
  The Everyday Discrimination Scale (EDS) is one of the most widely used measures of discrimination in health research, and has been
  useful for capturing the impact of discrimination on health. However, psychometric analysis of this measure has been predominantly among Black Americans, with limited examination of its eﬀectiveness in capturing discrimination against other social
  groups. This paper explores the theoretical and historical foundations of the EDS, and draws on the analytic framework of
  Messick’s theory of uniﬁed validity to examine the eﬀectiveness of the EDS in capturing diverse experiences of discrimination.
  Encompassing both social consequences and value implications, Messick’s uniﬁed validity contends that psychometric evaluation
  alone is insuﬃcient to justify instrument use or ensure social resonance of ﬁndings. We argue that despite the robust psychometric properties and utility in addressing anti-Black race-related discrimination, the theoretical foundations and research use of the EDS have yet to respond to current discrimination theory, particularly intersectionality. This paper concludes with guidance for researchers in using the EDS in health research across diverse populations, including in data collection, analysis, and presentation of ﬁndings.


publication_date: 2025-04-22
volume: 14
issue: 9
pages: 2887
publisher: MDPI AG
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Miguel-Alvaro-2025-SpanishVersionoft
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.3390%2Fjcm14092887
private: N
file_hash: 12cdc7f01b20cc9d84bac82c3863d7a0
added_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:33
changed_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:33
title:
  Spanish Version of the Everyday Discrimination Scale (EDS-E): Factorial Structure and Scale Invariance in Spanish Adolescents


publication_date: 2021-07-01
volume: 33
issue: 7
pages: 637-651
publisher: American Psychological Association (APA)
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Feng-2021-MultilevelIRTanaly
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1037%2Fpas0000906
private: N
file_hash: bef88cf7109f6a4e0cc90dd5f2856bf5
added_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:34
changed_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:34
title:
  Multilevel IRT analysis of the Everyday Discrimination Scale and the Racial/Ethnic Discrimination Index.


publication_date: 2024-05-01
volume: 53
issue: 2
pages: 804-838
publisher: SAGE Publications
reference_type: article
bibtex_id: Benner-2024-ThePotentialforUs
bibtex_type: article
urls: https://doi.org/10.1177%2F00491241211067512
private: N
file_hash: 140ce56f4224a9690de611809c2bcb26
added_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:34
changed_time: 2025-11-13 19:28:34
title:
  The Potential for Using a Shortened Version of the Everyday Discrimination Scale in Population Research with Young Adults: A Construct Validation Investigation


# item_notes

changed_time: 2025-10-06 16:30:55
note:
  <p>Though this article does NOT include discrimination, it does discuss spirituality definition and the difference between spiritual but not religious, or SBNR.  It uses the Tripartite Meaning in Life Model (MIL), which proposes that a meaningful life is composed of three core dimensions: comprehension (or coherence), purpose, and mattering (or significance). <br /><br />The Three Components of the Model<br />Comprehension (or Coherence):<br />This dimension refers to the degree to which a person's experiences and life events are perceived as understandable and orderly. It's about making sense of one's past, present, and future, and finding connections and patterns in life's story.</p>
  <p>Purpose:<br />This aspect involves having valued goals and aspirations that provide direction and motivation for one's actions. It is the experience of being guided by a clear sense of what one wants to achieve in life. </p>
  <p>Mattering (or Significance):<br />This is the sense that one's life is worthwhile, valuable, and important. It involves feeling a connection to something larger than oneself and believing that one's actions can make a difference or that one's existence has inherent worth. <br /><br /></p>


# project_notes

changed_time: 2024-06-25 17:32:44
note:
  <p>This is going to be part of the research journal for my dissertation. This window can be moved and enlarged to assist with entry.  Move from the title bar, enlarge from the lower right corner.<br /><br />Please organize entries via dates - do NOT remove other entries.  If an entry needs to be modified, use strikeout text and add a new entry.  Entries should be organized by date/subject.         For example: "<em>June012024/[micro]aggression/methodology - note here.</em>"</p>


# ind_items

authors_index: stone, alyson
secondary_title_index: group
title_index: thou shalt not: treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy
abstract_index:
       that religion can be a source of harm and trauma is something most clinicians know well, yet this fact is underreported in the literature. indeed, most of the existing research indicates a positive link between religion and mental health. there is likewise little information on spirituality's impact on mental health when it is used to bypass problems, feelings, and needs. this article addresses this deficit by exploring the potentially harmful effects of religion and spirituality. it highlights the role of secure attachment and the combination of individual and group therapy to treat religious trauma and spiritual struggles.     

full_text_index:
       group, vol. 37, no. 4, winter 2013  thou shalt not: treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy alyson m. stone1,2 that religion can be a source of harm and trauma is something most clinicians know well, yet this fact is underreported in the literature. indeed, most of the existing research indicates a positive link between religion and mental health. there is likewise little information on spirituality’s impact on mental health when it is used to bypass problems, feelings, and needs. this article addresses this deficit by exploring the potentially harmful effects of religion and spirituality. it highlights the role of secure attachment and the combination of individual and group therapy to treat religious trauma and spiritual struggles. keywords: religion; religious trauma; spirituality; spiritual bypassing.  the psychological impact of religion has long been ignored by academic psychology (belzen, 2000; paloutzian & park, 2005). change is afoot, however, and the last several decades have seen a surge of research in this area, which generally shows a positive relationship between religion and mental health (seybold & hill, 2001). by contrast, there are relatively few references to religion’s negative impact and virtually no references to religious trauma. in fact, a search for articles on “religious trauma” yields studies on the use of religion to recover from trauma rather than religion as a source of trauma. popular literature, conversely, contains many books on spiritual and religious abuse and manipulation, religious addiction, and toxic faith (plante, 2004; purcell, 2008; winell, 1993; wright, 2001). this disparity suggests that the professional literature does not yet accurately reflect the potentially harmful impact of religion and spirituality or the abundance of concerns people have in these 1 the author would like to thank ronnie levine, jeff hudson, and stacy nakell for their generous feedback and support. 2 private practice, austin. correspondence should be addressed to alyson m. stone, phd, cgp, 4103 marathon, suite f, austin, tx 78756. e-mail: alyson@alysonmstone.com. issn 0362-4021 2013 eastern group psychotherapy society  323  group 37.4.indb 323  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  stone  324  areas. this article aims to address the gap in the literature by highlighting the ways in which religion and spirituality can undermine mental health. it is indisputable that religion and spirituality can be a source of meaning, connection, and strength for many people. this article is not meant to be antireligion or divisive. rather, i propose that the harm that religion and spirituality can cause deserves attention and that addressing this harm can help individuals both psychologically and spiritually. in fact, many people who have been harmed by religion still yearn for spiritual connection and find that attending to religious trauma facilitates their spiritual growth. as griffith (2010) pointed out, religion and spirituality are terms that have been defined through the years in so many different ways that their meanings are multifaceted and often unclear. research within the psychology of religion, which has been hampered by this lack of clarity, has attempted to define these terms and the similarities and distinctions between them. paloutzian and park (2005) maintained that both spirituality and religion involve the search for the sacred and noted that most people describe themselves as both religious and spiritual. regarding the differences between these terms, hood, hill, and spilka (2009) suggested that spirituality relates more to a person’s psychological, interior life and religion relates to sociological influences and a person’s involvement with groups or institutions. although these classifications are unavoidably incomplete, my use of the terms religion and spirituality adheres to these definitions. religious trauma is more prevalent than the research suggests and often is a contributing factor to many of the problems that bring people to therapy, including depression, anxiety, and relationship difficulties. for this reason, religious trauma deserves careful attention. religious trauma one of the few references to religious trauma in the popular literature comes from winell (2012), who has coined the term religious trauma syndrome to describe the severe mental stress experienced by former fundamentalist christians who leave their religion. she asserted that restrictive religious teachings can be toxic and create lasting damage in the cognitive, emotional, social, and physical realms. in this article, i build on winell’s definition and expand it to include a broader segment of the population than only former fundamentalists. for the purposes of this article, i define the term religious trauma as pervasive psychological damage resulting from religious messages, beliefs, and experiences. although this type of damage can occur in various faith traditions, my clinical examples are drawn primarily from christianity and new age spirituality. owing to space considerations, i focus on clinical work with individuals who no longer actively participate in the religious systems by which they were traumatized, as such distance is often necessary before the trauma can be acknowledged and explored. however, i work with many individuals who  group 37.4.indb 324  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy  325  consider themselves spiritual and/or religious, and the concepts outlined here are often applicable to their treatment as well. unlike many forms of trauma that occur through acute incidents, religious trauma generally accrues gradually through long-term exposure to messages that undermine mental health. many individuals are born into belief systems in their families and religious communities, and it is in these early groups where they are steeped in messages that affect their ideas about themselves and the world. psychoanalyst and object relations theorist d. w. winnicott (1965) believed that, beginning in childhood, individuals develop a false self to meet the expectations of family and society. religious belief systems are powerful social systems that tend to categorize human nature into good and bad dichotomies that promote the development of a rigid false self (griffith, 2010). dogmatic religions in particular often view emotions and thoughts hierarchically, with so-called negative emotions, such as fear, envy, sadness, hate, and lust, categorized as sinful or as less mature than so-called positive emotions, such as love and compassion. individuals attempting to adhere to the unrealistic standard of experiencing only positive aspects of human nature are up against an impossible task that can be psychically damaging and lead to feelings of guilt, shame, and low self-esteem (winell, 1993). with no acceptable outlet for half of the emotional range, followers of dogmatic religions may be prone to using a variety of defensive coping strategies, including repression, denial, projective identification, reaction formation, and splitting. these defensive strategies are often driven by fear of the consequences of failure to comply with legalistic religious standards. beier (2004) addressed this type of fear and emphasized that religious systems that use fear of god and hell and social ostracism to motivate and control become psychologically toxic and violent. the use of fear to motivate faith is widespread in conservative and fundamentalist churches and can cause lifelong terror of eternal damnation (purcell, 2008); “dissociative self-silencing,” whereby aspects of self become compartmentalized and repressed (griffith, 2010); and trauma. although many people may feel guilt when they have a negative emotion, religious-based fear can intensify the experience of “i am a bad person for feeling so mean” into “i am a condemnable person for feeling so mean.” symptoms of religious trauma vary but usually include difficulties in the interpersonal, emotional, and cognitive realms (winell, 1993). for instance, relationships in which only positive feelings are valued tend to lack intimacy and resilience. without a productive outlet, the unpleasant emotions and experiences that relationships entail may be compartmentalized, turned inward, or discharged in harmful ways. in terms of emotional functioning, religious and spiritual messages may constrict the range of feelings that an individual can experience and express. the bible contains many passages that warn against certain emotions, including “get rid of all bitterness, rage and anger” (ephesians 4:31, niv) and “pride goeth before destruction” (proverbs 16:18). prohibitions against entire categories of emotions can contribute to psychological difficulties, including depression, anxiety, guilt, and addictive  group 37.4.indb 325  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  stone  326  or compulsive behaviors. in a similar fashion, the intellectual realm can become restricted, promoting legalistic, black-and-white thinking and difficulty with free association, fantasy, creative thought, and problem solving. religious trauma shares many symptoms with posttraumatic stress disorder (ptsd), including avoidance of stimuli that are reminiscent of the trauma and intense distress when exposed to such stimuli. people who have experienced religious trauma often cannot tolerate the distress of participating in any kind of organized religion and may studiously avoid religious environments, people, and reading material. in psychotherapy, these individuals may not mention their religious history for years. although people who have been traumatized by religion often steer clear of religion, they are frequently drawn to spirituality and spiritual bypassing. spiritual bypassing spiritual bypassing is a term created by psychologist john welwood in 1984 to describe the use of spirituality to bypass developmental needs, painful feelings, and unresolved wounds. masters (2010) described spiritual bypassing as “avoidance in holy drag,” or the use of spiritual practices and beliefs to “transcend” or deny problems rather than understand them. when treating clients with religious trauma, it is helpful to be familiar with the concept of spiritual bypassing, as this is a common coping mechanism for these individuals. people who leave legalistic religions often find spirituality to be a more accepting, expansive arena for exploration. unfortunately, spirituality can be restrictive in similar ways to religion, and individuals who are accustomed to compartmentalization may gravitate to spiritual bypassing and its avoidance of difficulties. spiritual bypassing can lead to repression, emotional numbing, detachment, anger-phobia, overemphasis on the positive, developmental delays, and a variety of interpersonal difficulties. it also contributes to a value system that ranks thoughts and feelings as “positive” and “negative” in a similar fashion to some religious theology. throughout this article, i refer to the use of spirituality to avoid unmet needs, painful feelings, and unresolved wounds as spiritual bypassing. i use the term spiritual harm to refer to the negative impact that restrictive spiritual belief systems and spiritual bypassing can have on mental health. masters (2010) contended that spiritual bypassing is so pervasive in our painavoidant culture as to go largely unnoticed. however, its influence in psychotherapy is quite noticeable. our society prefers quick, pain-numbing solutions, and many clients are more interested in fast coping strategies than the complicated work of deepening self-awareness and exploring difficult experiences and feelings. spiritual bypassing aligns beautifully with the desire to fast-forward emotional discomfort and pain. for example, forgiveness and gratitude are socially valued concepts that a client may use to avoid having feelings about interpersonal hurts or the realities of one’s life. a woman who is just beginning to voice anger at her parents may abruptly  group 37.4.indb 326  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy  327  stop speaking and say, “but i’ve forgiven them. i’m not interested in blaming—they did the best they could.” in that moment, she has moved out of an emerging feeling and into a spiritual concept, and the potential for increased self-awareness or emotional exploration is lost. the opportunity to work on true forgiveness is also forestalled, as it is difficult to genuinely forgive until one’s feelings about the situation or person have been experienced and understood. although forgiveness is a powerful concept that almost all spiritual traditions share, it undermines mental health when it is used to avoid knowing more about oneself or the truth of one’s life. spiritual beliefs may also be used to deny the existence of problems. i once worked with a couple whose primary conflict was the husband’s unemployment and failure to take productive steps toward gainful work. he subscribed to a spiritual belief system that emphasized the power of visualization and the necessity of maintaining positive vibrations by thinking only affirming thoughts. when his wife or i tried to address the actual situation at hand, such as their dire financial situation and his wife’s growing disdain for him, he would angrily accuse us of spiritual sabotage. he was using a spiritual belief system to support his resistance to becoming more responsible and to avoid understanding the impact of his behavior on his marriage. i experienced him as being unavailable to the exploratory process of therapy and found his spiritual defense strategy to be impenetrable. the couple is now divorced. treating religious trauma and spiritual bypassing treatment modality clients rarely seek therapy for religious trauma (griffith, 2010); rather, the effects of religious beliefs and experiences are generally uncovered over time in the course of psychotherapy. one of the primary ways in which this occurs is through the client’s reactions to the therapeutic environment. in particular, i have found modern psychoanalysis, with its emphasis on helping clients voice a full range of thoughts, fantasies, and feelings, to naturally highlight the impact of religion and spirituality on psychic freedom. this tends to happen organically, as a client’s resistances to putting all his or her thoughts and feelings into words are gradually revealed. many times, the source of the resistance lies in religious or spiritual values, which may directly contradict the values of psychotherapy. for example, i encourage my clients to consider thoughts and feelings as separate from action. in contrast, the bible warns that thoughts are the same as actions and must be carefully controlled. for example, the bible says that if a man looks at a woman in lust, he is actually committing adultery with her (matthew 5:28). this type of direct conflict between belief systems can render therapy a morally frightening and complicated endeavor, even for clients who no longer consciously subscribe to religious beliefs. as such, the most effective therapeutic stance is one that respects the client’s defenses and follows the client’s lead. this stance is implicit in modern psychoanalytic therapy, where the  group 37.4.indb 327  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  stone  328  therapist joins a client’s resistance until it is no longer needed. few defenses are as ironclad as religious-based prohibitions, and clients may require years of individual therapy before religious wounds are fully available for exploration. once a client has settled into the exploratory process of therapy, the addition of group treatment should be considered, as combined therapy is a particularly powerful modality for treating religious trauma and spiritual harm. combined individual and group therapy the use of combined individual and group therapy to treat trauma is well established and has a “synergistic effect on facilitating recovery” (phillips, 2009, p. 86). for the treatment of ptsd, shalev, omer, and eth (1996) advised that there is no set paradigm for how best to combine individual and group therapy. however, they noted that many clinicians prefer concurrent individual and group treatment, as each treatment offers a unique contribution to healing. after reviewing the literature on treating trauma, phillips (2009) recommended a flexible treatment approach that is based on the specifics of the clients being treated. for the treatment of religious trauma, i have found that it is important for individual therapy to precede group therapy. this allows time for the development of a strong therapeutic alliance that can provide the client with the emotional support necessary to tolerate the stimulation of a group. individual therapy is also best suited for the slow, in-depth work required to understand the details and depth of religious trauma and spiritual harm. when group treatment is added, it should be done so concurrently, ideally with a heterogeneous group. i have found clients receive the most benefit from a group whose members represent a wide spectrum of religious and spiritual backgrounds. although the addition of group therapy can mark a tumultuous time in treatment, group offers key ingredients that individual treatment alone cannot. an individual’s earliest religious experiences typically occur in his or her family of origin and continue throughout life within groups, such as religious or spiritual communities, religious education classes, and places of worship. because of this, clients with religious backgrounds often experience a double dose of transference in group therapy. in addition to experiencing group members and leaders as members of his or her family of origin, a client may also experience religious-based transference. for example, the group leader may be alternately perceived as god or satan, and the group members may be experienced as members of the faith community, along with its restrictive rules and roles. the multitude of possible transference reactions for spiritual and religious clients can be overwhelming and render group sessions challenging. the first priority of group treatment for trauma is the establishment of safety (phillips, 2009). yet for clients with religious trauma, group therapy may feel quite unsafe. many religious and spiritual clients are accustomed to group environments where negative emotions are disavowed and only positive traits and emotions are  group 37.4.indb 328  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy  329  valued. religious clients may also be accustomed to relying on their faith to manage such feelings as helplessness and fear as well as their dependency needs. it can be alarming to be in a setting where members are encouraged to express a full range of emotions and needs and to explore interpersonal conflict. although this may eventually feel liberating, initially, it can be destabilizing. still, it is this very atmosphere, where the entire range of human experience is normalized and accepted, that facilitates healing from religious trauma and spiritual harm. safety is promoted when a client is given room to participate in the group at his or her own pace; he or she may be relatively quiet in group for some time and rely on individual sessions to process group material. yet a person with religious trauma, even if unable to voice forbidden thoughts and feelings, benefits through watching others do so. interpersonal templates are gradually revised as group relationships are observed to not only survive but also thrive from the experience of conflict. equally importantly, group interactions can modify a client’s self-concept through the repeated experience of being valued for and joined around aspects of self that have been shamed or shunned. in this way, the group can become a source of holding and mirroring and also provide containment and metabolizing of traumatic experiences. whereas trauma produces a lack of psychological integration, group treatment promotes ego integration and the development of an observing ego, which allows for self-reflection and less emotional reactivity (ormont, 1995/2001). group participation also develops a client’s emotional resilience and emotional insulation, a type of protective psychological buffer that allows nourishing experiences to be absorbed and harmful experiences to be repelled (ormont, 1994/2001). in time, a client’s relationships with group members can serve as a secure base from which to work on his or her relationship with god. treatment considerations the role of attachment for many people, their connection to god is an attachment relationship and can be categorized as secure, anxious, dismissive-avoidant, or fearful-avoidant (kirkpatrick, 2005). not surprisingly, the psychological effect of religious involvement seems to be determined by the type of god in which a person believes. this is evidenced by the baylor religion survey, wave iii (2011), which shows that believers in an angry, judgmental god have more anxieties than those who believe in a loving god. interestingly, the quality of one’s relationship with god is not necessarily correlated with specific denominations or belief systems. for example, a person who attends a “fire-and-brimstone” fundamentalist church may believe in a compassionate god, while a person whose liberal theology espouses a loving deity may believe in a punishing god (griffith, 2010). clearly a person’s relationship with god is complex and multifaceted. freud (1910) seemed to grasp this. he conceptualized the god  group 37.4.indb 329  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  stone  330  imago—the emotional image of god—to be linked to the internalized emotional ideas of one’s parents. this idea of god as an interpersonal reality was furthered by psychoanalytic theorist ana-maria rizzuto (1979), who postulated that god is an internalized object, or primary relationship, that, like a parent, exerts influence throughout one’s life. these ideas have been borne out in my practice. although many of my clients have distanced themselves from their former relationships with god, their internalized relationships continue to exert significant psychological influence. this dynamic is similar to one with which all therapists are familiar: a person’s relationship with a parent will continue to wield psychological power throughout his or her lifetime, even if the relationship has been cut off or the parent is deceased. as with parental introjects, a person’s image of god is typically internalized early in life, as are introjects of significant religious leaders and teachers who were part of his or her early religious experiences. these early introjects exert ongoing influence on a client’s mental health, and i address this impact in much the same way as i work with other primary attachment relationships. it naturally follows that therapy must also attend to a client’s attachment to the person—often a parent—who taught the person his or her religious beliefs. this is true even if the relationship with the parent is generally good, for to move away from the grip of an overly restrictive belief system is to move away from the parent, which can be a painful process. more often, however, a client has both an internalized toxic god and an internalized toxic parent to address. relative to the latter, levine (2007) noted that the therapeutic process of distancing oneself from a critical internalized object is complicated by the fact that it is often experienced as a betrayal, a loss of a relationship to the object, or a loss of identity. the same complexities apply to the process of modifying or healing from a damaging relationship with god. working with deeply rooted, complicated attachments to god and parents tends to stimulate strong feelings in the client as well as the therapist, who may find countertransference reactions to be challenging. countertransference when working with religious and spiritual material, it is especially important for the therapist to pay attention to his or her countertransference responses. because religious trauma and spiritual harm typically involve constriction of the emotional range and the disavowal of unacceptable feelings, clients may have limited access to their emotions during session. a therapist who is empathically attuned to the client and receptive to induced feelings may experience a variety of strong emotional reactions. as such, countertransference resistance, or the reluctance to feel certain emotions, plays a significant role in the treatment of religious trauma and tends to have an influence on what clients talk about. through an uncanny process of unconscious communication, a client intuits what the therapist is open to hearing  group 37.4.indb 330  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy  331  and may avoid off-limit topics. when i first began working on my own religious wounding, my clients suddenly began talking about their religious histories to such a degree that i felt as if i had hung a sign on my office door that said, “now available to discuss religion.” it was a dramatic lesson in the link between my willingness to work on a topic and my clients’ ability to do so. both clients and therapists who have experienced religious trauma may demonstrate symptoms of ptsd by consciously or unconsciously avoiding the topic of religion and becoming emotionally reactive when it is mentioned. for example, the therapist may become overly active and attempt to direct the session, change the topic, or change the client. conversely, he or she may become less engaged and fail to ask questions that would advance the client’s exploration of the topic. therapists who are not religious may also experience difficult countertransference reactions to religion and spirituality. feelings of boredom, aversion, inadequacy, and judgment are common, as is feeling incompetent to engage in a conversation for which there is no shared language. therapists who have felt judged or stigmatized by religion may feel angry and resentful and struggle to find empathy for a client’s religious concerns. these types of countertransference reactions can make it challenging for the therapist to maintain a neutral, reflective stance and increase the risk that the therapist’s attitude toward religion and spirituality may unduly influence the client. in my experience, these types of countertransference responses and relational dynamics are complex and require ongoing support and consultation for the therapist. the following case studies highlight the complex nature of religious and spiritual harm and illustrate the use of combined individual and group treatment to address it. case example i run ongoing, mixed-gender groups in my psychotherapy practice utilizing a modern analytic, object relations framework. one of my groups has nine members, three of whom have been traumatized by religion and one by spirituality. religion comes up regularly, but not as often as the amount of religious trauma in the group might suggest; it is a topic most would rather avoid. matthew grew up with southern baptist fire-and-brimstone theology; suzanne was sheltered from the secular world by her christian fundamentalist community; beth’s mother was so deeply entrenched in spiritual bypassing that she neglected her basic needs; and tamara lived in fear of her homosexuality being discovered by her evangelical mother and church. none of the group members attend church. both matthew and suzanne consider themselves to be spiritual, and they often trigger beth’s spiritual harm with their propensity toward spiritual bypassing. matthew is a polished corporate attorney who was taught to fear god’s wrath and was openly shamed by his parents if he expressed any negative emotion. when he was five years old, he fell and cut his knee on a rock, and his father said god had pushed him down to punish him for his sinful behavior. this event cemented  group 37.4.indb 331  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  stone  332  matthew’s image of god as an angry, vengeful judge and of himself as an unworthy human being. as an adult, matthew immerses himself in spiritual books that are rife with spiritual bypassing, leaving him ridden with guilt and disgust at his inability to wrangle himself into a more positive individual. matthew was averse to the idea of group therapy, and it took years of discussing his concerns before he joined. he imagined the group would be yet another environment where he would be expected to be quiet, positive, and helpful to others. for the first year, he remained very quiet in the meetings and appeared almost frozen. in individual therapy, he rarely mentioned the group; when he did, it was invariably in the last 30 seconds, saying, “i hate group.” although this left us with no time to explore, i assumed this was the unconscious point and viewed his willingness to voice his hate as progress. it took months for matthew to accept that the group and i were not his religious family: we wanted him to talk, even if he had nothing positive to say. in the past year, matthew has begun revealing to the group the depth of his unhappiness at work and home. for instance, after months of telling the group he had no room to complain because he had a great life, he finally revealed that his wife had cheated on him numerous times, and he lacked the self-worth to leave. although his openness is an indication of progress, it can trigger harsh internal backlash. when he talks honestly about his true feelings, he almost always stops abruptly to scold himself for complaining and being ungrateful. at these moments, he experiences a deeply ingrained fear that god will punish him for his impertinence, even though he no longer believes intellectually that this will happen. suzanne and tamara, who understand the fear of being “struck down,” usually join with matthew when he is afraid. their empathic resonance helps him to access compassion for his religious wounding and to understand more fully how it affects him. the group environment is matthew’s first experience with being embraced for being honest and imperfect, and in this nutritive environment, he is building both an observing ego that provides perspective and emotional insulation that helps him tolerate strong feelings. suzanne, a vice president at an advertising company, was raised in an evangelical church where contact with the secular world was severely restricted. she was taught that christians were under constant attack from satan. as a young child, she endured drills designed to prepare her for an assault on her faith in which she was asked to imagine choosing between renouncing her faith or being killed or tortured. eventually, she was able to go through these exercises without feeling fear or dread, which were believed to be satanically induced emotions. these experiences produced significant psychological splitting, and as an adult, her emotional realm is often inaccessible, particularly in stressful or interpersonal situations. religious messages may lie dormant for years, and like programming that cannot be deleted from the hard drive, they exert ongoing influence in ways both subtle and startling. this was demonstrated one evening in group, when suzanne and several others were discussing their childhood experiences in churches of various  group 37.4.indb 332  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy  333  denominations. the tone of the discussion was light, until suzanne burst out, “this is all good and fine, but i was taught all of you people would be going to hell.” not surprisingly, when i asked her what she was feeling, she was unaware of having any emotional reactions to the group conversation. religious programming is also evident in suzanne’s impulsivity, which, when combined with her tendency not to feel fear, can be dangerous. she was taught that the holy spirit inspires a person to take action, and hesitation allows satan time to interfere with the lord’s work. even though she no longer subscribes to this belief, the programming remains, and when she feels an impulse to do something, she tends to act on it without thinking. although we have an agreement that she will talk about significant decisions in therapy, she occasionally disregards it. an example of this occurred one evening when suzanne announced to the group that she had joined an evangelical christian church because she wanted to “get past” being emotionally flooded when exposed to religious material. the group was too stunned to put up much resistance, and it was too late to slow her down, as she had already joined. initially, the religious environment overwhelmed suzanne: she became furious when she heard the words “jesus” or “sin” and often left worship service with an upset stomach and racing heart. during this time, she demonstrated classic symptoms of ptsd. after a few months, however, she abruptly stopped speaking about it. when group members asked how church was going, she gave only glowing reports. it seemed apparent that she had moved from an emotionally flooded state to a dissociative state, and her genuine reactions to the religious environment were no longer available for exploration. dissociation and compartmentalization are apparent in every aspect of suzanne’s life and demonstrate the pervasive impact of her religious history. my work with suzanne involves containing a multitude of strong countertransference reactions. to be in relationship with her is to regularly feel confused, alarmed, and irritated as she breezily announces her latest ill-conceived plan that is already in motion by the time she remembers to mention it. the group has learned both to encourage suzanne to examine her emotions more fully and to give her space when she cannot do so. the member most likely to question suzanne’s disavowal of emotions is beth. beth is a highly intelligent physician who values intellectual reasoning above all else. as a child, she was traumatized by her mother’s deep immersion in metaphysical spirituality. her parents divorced when she was four, leaving her mother in dire financial straits. rather than seek employment, her mother spent her time dreaming up far-fetched business ideas, which she believed would materialize through visualization and energy work. she was so fully immersed in spiritual bypassing that she failed to address the needs of her family, and beth was left to manage on her own, frequently resorting to stealing money for food. as an adult, she demonstrates symptoms of spiritual harm: she carefully avoids all people and situations that remind her of spirituality, including discussion of special diets, meditation, or  group 37.4.indb 333  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  stone  334  any belief that is not rooted in science, and she becomes agitated when exposed to such stimuli. when she first joined the group, beth had little contact with those who did not share her intellectual beliefs and was openly intolerant of such people. one day, when a group member announced she was experiencing transformative results from her new vegan diet, beth became visibly agitated, fidgeting and fuming in her seat. i encouraged her to voice her reactions so she would not suffer alone, as she had in her family of origin. i also wanted to model that all thoughts, feelings, and beliefs were welcome in the group, even unpopular or minority opinions. when beth began to share her critical thoughts, she was surprised that the group members valued hearing from her and were open to her experience, even though they disagreed with her perspective. over time, these types of opportunities have helped beth to feel safe enough to share her intolerance for other members’ ideas. now, when someone talks about spirituality, diets, or meditation, they will good-naturedly invite beth to share her disapproval. she has become a valuable member of the group, whose unique viewpoint is helpful to matthew and suzanne in particular. when they lapse into spiritual bypassing, beth, with her finely tuned radar for it, is the first to intervene. for example, a group member recently told suzanne he felt annoyed with her because she was talking in a dramatic way, as if she was on stage and the group was the audience. when i asked suzanne how she was reacting, she replied, “i feel grateful,” which is her typical response to negative feedback. this is one of the ways suzanne engages in spiritual bypassing, by using a spiritual value like gratitude to avoid unpleasant emotions and difficult interactions. beth immediately jumped in: “seriously? c’mon . . . you’re grateful? you’re not angry or hurt?” suzanne denied having any other reaction than gratitude that she was in a group where she could get honest feedback. although suzanne is rarely able to access emotions when challenged in this way, these interactions have gradually expanded her idea of what is possible in the group, allowing her to occasionally express fear or slight annoyance toward another member. given her history, this is significant progress. for beth, the group environment has improved her ability to tolerate a broader range of experiences and people. she is now more interpersonally adept and can engage with group members in ways that are direct but not distancing. for instance, when beth first began voicing her criticisms of other members’ beliefs and ideas, she did so with a superior air and spoke in an intellectualized manner, determined to win her argument. she was unable to hear others’ perspectives, causing them to feel dismissed. although the group valued her opinions, they felt intimidated and pushed away by her. over time, however, beth has learned to be less combative and share more of her history with spirituality, which has helped the group understand her judgmental manner and develop warm feelings toward her. she is now better able to tolerate listening to other members speak about spiritual matters without becoming reactive. tamara is a massage therapist who is in a committed lesbian relationship. she  group 37.4.indb 334  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy  335  is the newest, quietest member of the group. she rarely talks about her religious history with the group or me and demonstrates limited awareness of its impact on her. tamara’s mother is an evangelical christian who used bible verses to justify beating and neglecting her when she was young. as a child, tamara was taught that homosexuality was a mortal sin and that those who lived a homosexual lifestyle would go to hell. when she became an adolescent, she was thus horrified to realize that she might be gay and dated a series of boys, attempting to hide her true feelings from herself and others. once she graduated from high school and left home, she had minimal contact with her mother or siblings, who describe themselves as “fanatical christians.” tamara’s distance from her family and her church enabled her to eventually embrace her homosexuality, which came at significant interpersonal cost. her family and former church community have openly judged tamara’s lifestyle, and many former friends have rejected her for it. when tamara started therapy with me, she had been living with a woman for several years and appeared to have embraced her identity as a lesbian. currently, on the rare occasion when she mentions her religious past, she usually expresses comfort with her sexual identity and voices a belief in a god who accepts all people. periodically, the fear that she might go to hell is triggered, usually after she sees her family. this occurred recently when tamara visited her mother, who asked her if she was still a christian. although she no longer identifies as such, she could not bring herself to verbally acknowledge this. she had been taught for many years that the only way to go to heaven was to believe in jesus christ, and the thought of verbally denying him was terrifying. at her next individual appointment, she told me that she had become the person about whom she had been warned in church: a nonbeliever who questions biblical authority and is lured into a life of sin. at times like this, she is somewhat soothed by the idea that she once accepted jesus as her savior, which she was taught guarantees her eternal salvation. she smiles sadly and tells me this is her “spiritual insurance” in case she is wrong about god accepting her. tamara’s story is unfortunately common in the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (lgbt) community, in which there is a high rate of religious trauma. lgbt individuals encounter the same religious prohibitions as their hetero counterparts against what they do (i.e., sinful behaviors), but their experience is heightened when they are condemned for who they are (i.e., a sinful self). although many heterosexual people have also been taught that they are inherently sinful, lgbt individuals are more likely to be shunned for their sinfulness, especially during the coming-out process, when their “sin” becomes externally visible. the “hate the sin, love the sinner” theology that some churches espouse offers scarce comfort to a person who is trying to accept and integrate such an innate aspect of self as sexuality. in fact, this type of theology can aggravate the internalized homophobia that plagues many homosexual clients who have been told that homosexuality is an abomination of god’s plan. eventually, lgbt people often face the agonizing dilemma of choosing between  group 37.4.indb 335  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  stone  336  embracing their sexual identity and being accepted by the only god they have ever known, as well as members of their family or religious community. it can be heartbreaking for these individuals to find that, just as they are learning to accept themselves for who they are, those they love are abandoning them. for this reason, healing from religious trauma for lgbt clients often involves addressing significant grief and interpersonal loss. although this can also be true for the heterosexual population, lgbt clients are more likely to be rejected by their families and religious communities for failure to conform to religious standards. conclusion the negative impact of religion and spirituality can be pervasive, affecting a person’s emotional, intellectual, developmental, and interpersonal life. nevertheless, clients rarely seek therapy for religious wounding, the effects of which are generally discovered over time in the process of psychotherapy. because religion is a highly charged topic for many people, addressing religious harm can be challenging for both the therapist and the client. as such, the most effective treatment approach is one that follows the client’s lead, prioritizes the development of a strong therapeutic alliance, and involves sufficient professional support for the therapist. once a client has developed a secure attachment with the therapist, the addition of group therapy can deepen the effectiveness of treatment. group therapy provides a unique interpersonal environment where one can share previously forbidden aspects of self and develop relationships that are strengthened by honesty and conflict. group treatment can be challenging for individuals who have experienced religious and spiritual harm, as it involves feeling emotions and reliving experiences that may be disturbing or terrifying. however, as the group tolerates and embraces the emergence of traumatic material and diverse experiences, a new interpersonal reality is created for the group members, in which each person is valued for the unique and imperfect person he or she is. at its best, group therapy is its own type of spiritual experience. references baylor religion survey, wave iii. (2011, september). the values and beliefs of the american public. waco, tx: baylor university. beier, m. (2004). a violent god image: an introduction to the work of eugene drewermann. new york: continuum. belzen, j. a. (ed.). (2000). aspects in contexts: studies in the history of psychology of religion. amsterdam, netherlands: rodoi. freud, s. (1910). leonardo da vinci and a memory of his childhood. standard edition, 11, 59–138.  group 37.4.indb 336  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
  treating religious trauma and spiritual harm with combined therapy  337  griffith, j. l. (2010). religion that heals, religion that harms: a guide for clinical practice. new york: guilford press. hood, r. w., jr., hill, p. c., & spilka, b. (2009). the psychology of religion: an empirical approach (4th ed.). new york: guilford press. kirkpatrick, l. a. (2005). attachment, evolution, and the psychology of religion. new york: guilford press. levine, r. (2007). treating idealized hope and hopelessness. international journal of group psychotherapy, 57(3), 297–313. masters, r. a. (2010). spiritual bypassing: when spirituality disconnects us from what really matters. berkeley, ca: north atlantic books. ormont, l. (2001). cultivating the observing ego in the group setting. in l. b. furgeri (ed.), the technique of group treatment: the collected papers of louis ormont (pp. 337–354). madison, ct: psychosocial press. (original work published 1995) ormont, l. (2001). developing emotional insulation. in l. b. furgeri (ed.), the technique of group treatment: the collected papers of louis ormont (pp. 321–335). madison, ct: psychosocial press. (original work published 1994) paloutzian, r. f., & park, c. l. (eds.). (2005). handbook of the psychology of religion and spirituality. new york: guilford press. phillips, s. b. (2009). the synergy of group and individual treatment modalities in the aftermath of disaster and unfolding trauma. international journal of group psychotherapy, 59(1), 85–107. plante, t. g. (ed.). (2004). sin against the innocents: sexual abuse by priests and the role of the catholic church. westport, co: praeger. purcell, b. c. (2008). spiritual terrorism: spiritual abuse from the womb to the tomb. bloomington, in: author house. rizzuto, a.-m. (1979). the birth of the living god: a psychoanalytic study. chicago: university of chicago press. seybold, k. s., & hill, p. c. (2001). the role of religion and spirituality on physical and mental health. current directions in psychological science, 10(1), 21–24. shalev, a., omer, b., & eth, s. (1996). treatment of posttraumatic stress disorder: a review. psychosomatic medicine, 58, 165–182. welwood, j. (1984). principles of inner work: psychological and spiritual. journal of transpersonal psychology, 16(1), 63–73. winell, m. (1993). leaving the fold: a guide for former fundamentalists and others leaving their religion. berkeley, ca: apocryphile press. winell, m. (2012). recovery from harmful religion: religious trauma syndrome. retrieved from http://marlenewinell.net. winnicott, d. w. (1965). the maturational processes and the facilitating environment. new york: international universities press. wright, k. (2001). religious abuse: a pastor explores the many ways religion can hurt as well as heal. kelowna, bc: northstone.  group 37.4.indb 337  1/15/14 12:13 pm this content downloaded from 129.177.48.97 on tue, 28 jan 2014 02:19:51 am all use subject to jstor terms and conditions  
       


authors_index: kaplan, david m.
secondary_title_index: journal of counseling &amp; development
abstract_index:
       this article presents the official position of the american counseling association on a seminal legal case for professional counseling: ward v. wilbanks. the focus is on three key questions: is it permissible to deny counseling services to a homosexual client on the basis of a counselor’s values? can referrals be made at any time a counselor wishes to do so? when is a client a client?     

title_index:
       ethical implications of a critical legal case for the counseling profession:<i>ward v. wilbanks</i>     

full_text_index:
       earn ce credit. visit http://www. prolibraries.com/counseling to purchase and complete the test online. received 05/22/12 revised 09/23/12 accepted 10/25/12 doi: 10.1002/j.1556-6676.2014.00140.x ethical implications of a critical legal case for the counseling profession: ward v. wilbanks david m. kaplan this article presents the official position of the american counseling association on a seminal legal case for profes- sional counseling: ward v. wilbanks. the focus is on three key questions: is it permissible to deny counseling services to a homosexual client on the basis of a counselor’s values? can referrals be made at any time a counselor wishes to do so? when is a client a client? keywords: ethics, law, ward, eastern michigan university, american counseling association ward v. wilbanks is one of the most important legal cases to have an impact on the counseling profession in the past quarter century. the lawsuit, filed by the alliance defense fund (adf) on behalf of former graduate student julea ward and against the counselor education program at eastern michigan university (emu), has threatened to undermine the ability of the counseling profession to promote nondiscrimination against clients based on sexual orientation. (note: after this article was accepted for publication, the alliance defense fund changed its name to alliance defending freedom.) ward v. wilbanks has broad im- plications regarding whether it is constitutional for the counseling profession to designate protected classes, such as race, ethnicity, gender, disability, age, and the aforementioned sexual orientation, through the nondiscrimination section (standard c.5.) of the aca code of ethics (american counseling association [aca], 2005, p. 10). in addition, the case has significant implications for professional counselors who state that religious beliefs prohibit them from counseling clients with particular characteristics. although ward v. wilbanks has not yet reached its final conclu- sion, because it is still under appeal, the district court ruling provides significant insight into these issues. in this article, we explore the ethical implications of ward v. wilbanks and present the positions of aca. (note. homosexual is used throughout this article because it is the term used in all legal documents relating to ward v. wilbanks.) three questions are addressed: ¢ is it permissible to deny counseling services to a ho- mosexual client on the basis of a counselor’s values? ¢ can counselors make referrals at any time they wish to do so? ¢ when is a client a client? mbackground julea ward entered the graduate counseling program at emu in may 2006, with the goal of becoming a school counselor. in the spring term of 2009, ms. ward enrolled in a practicum at the in-house clinic that was operated by the emu counseling program. she was subsequently assigned a client who stated on the intake form that he wanted help with feelings of depres- sion and issues related to a same-sex relationship. instead of conducting an initial session, ms. ward sought to refer the client to another practicum student. she did so because based on biblical teachings, ms. ward believes that god ordained sexual relationships between men and women, not between persons of the same sex. as such, ms. ward believes that homosexual conduct is immoral sexual behavior. ms. ward also believes, based on her sincere religious beliefs, that individuals are capable of refraining from engaging in homosexual conduct. (ward v. wilbanks, 2009, compl. at 3-4) the emu counseling program informed ms. ward that refusing to see a client on the basis of sexual orientation was a violation of the ethics code for the counseling profession (the aca code of ethics; aca, 2005) and was therefore not acceptable. ms. ward was offered remediation to help her counsel clients whose values differed from her own, but she refused because she was “unwilling to violate her beliefs by affirming homosexual conduct within the context of a coun- seling relationship.” (ward v. wilbanks, 2009, compl. at 8) after due process hearings, emu dismissed julea ward from the counseling program. adf subsequently filed a law- suit in us. district court on her behalf claiming that the emu counseling program “violate[ed] ms. ward’s constitutional rights to free speech, free exercise of religion, freedom from retaliation for exercising first amendment rights, equal protection of the laws, due process, and freedom from estab- lishment of religion” (ward v. wilbanks, 2009, compl. at 9). aca provided expert testimony for the district court (ex. at sep. 30, 2009) and an amicus brief for the sixth circuit david m. kaplan, american counseling association, alexandria, virginia. correspondence concerning this article should be ad- dressed to david m. kaplan, american counseling association, 5999 stevenson avenue, alexandria, va 22304 (e-mail: dkaplan@ counseling.org). editorial note. this article is based on the american counseling association (aca) expert testimony written by dr. kaplan for ward v. wilbanks, no. 09-11237 (e.d. mich., 2010) and represents the official position of aca. © 2014 by the american counseling association. all rights reserved. 142 journal of counseling & development m= april 2014 = volume 92

  ethical implications of ward v. wilbanks court of appeals. (ward v. wilbanks, 2011). the amicus brief is available on the aca website (http://www.counseling.org/ resources/pdfs/emuamicusbrief.pdf). aca became involved for two reasons. the first was to support a counselor educa- tion program accredited by the council for accreditation of counseling and related educational programs (cacrep) as well as the cacrep accreditation standards (cacrep, 2009), which require adherence to the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005). the second reason focused on the fact that ward v. wil- banks directly challenged the validity and enforceability of the nondiscrimination section (standard c.5.) of the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005, p. 10). ms. ward’s complaint argued that aca’s statement of nondiscrimination is “vague, overbroad, and allows for unbridled discretion in determining what protected expression and conduct fall under [its] prohibition . . . [and] thereby limits constitutionally-protected speech and conduct” (ward v. wilbanks, 2009, compl. at 195-196). if ms. ward pre- vailed, courts could use the case as precedence for preventing the aca code of ethics from prohibiting nondiscrimination on the basis of sexual orientation (and perhaps other areas). in july 2010, judge george steeh from the eastern district court of michigan ruled on the case (ward v. wilbanks). judge steeh found in favor of the defendant (emu) and against the plaintiff (julea ward). as stated earlier, the case is being ap- pealed and is currently being reviewed by the sixth circuit court. (note: after this article was accepted for publication, ward v. wilbanks was settled out of court.) mls it permissible to deny counseling services to a homosexual on the basis of a counselor’s values? the unequivocal answer to this question is no. refusing to counsel someone based on his or her sexual orientation is a clear and major violation of the 2005 aca code of ethics. sexual orientation as a protected class in the aca code of ethics the nondiscrimination section of the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) makes it clear that the counseling profession identifies sexual orientation as a protected class. standard c.5. states, “counselors do not condone or engage in discrimination based on age, culture, disability, ethnicity, race, religion/spirituality, gender, gender identity, sexual orientation, marital status/partnership, language preference, socioeconomic status, or any basis proscribed by law” (p. 10). as such, julea ward did not have the prerogative to refuse to counsel an assigned client on the basis of her discomfort with—or objections to—homosexuality. this was a clear and major violation of the aca code of ethics as it also would have been if ms. ward had refused to counsel an assigned african american client who wanted help with a multiracial relationship on the basis that her values did not allow her to accept mixed-race couples. refusing to provide services to a protected class listed in the nondiscrimination section of the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) on the basis of the counselor’s religious beliefs also constitutes a major violation of the aca code of ethics section focusing on avoiding harm by the nonimposition of personal values. standard a.4.b. states, “counselors are aware of their own values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors and avoid imposing values that are inconsistent with counseling goals. counselors respect the diversity of clients, trainees, and research partici- pants” (pp. 4-5). as a practicum student, ms. ward’s refusal to provide counseling services to an assigned client who wanted help with same-sex relationship issues is a clear imposition of values, which is inconsistent with the counseling goal of nondiscrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. ms. ward’s refusal to counsel a homosexual client who wanted assistance with a same-sex relationship is also a clear vio- lation of the aca code of ethics (standard a.4.b.; aca, 2005) mandate that counseling students and professional counselors value the diversity of clients across sexual orientation, age, cul- ture, disability, ethnicity, race, religion/spirituality, gender, gender identity, marital status/partnership, language preference, and socioeconomic status. standard a.4.b. of the aca code of eth- ics prohibits professional counselors and counselors-in-training from refusing to counsel a client on the basis of negative values that the counselor possesses about homosexuality. in a seminal article focusing on the legal implications of refusing to counsel homosexual clients published in the aca flagship journal, journal of counseling & development, mary hermann and barbara herlihy (both of whom have served on the aca ethics committee and are considered leading authorities on counselor ethics) stated that refusing to counsel clients on the basis of issues related to sexual orientation can result in ethical sanctions, licensing sanctions, and lawsuits accusing the student or counselor of malpractice (hermann & herlihy, 2006). hermann and herlihy concluded that, “counselors need to remain cognizant that they are ethically obligated to seek the knowledge, skills, and sensitivity to effectively counsel a diverse client population. counselors who engage in discrimination based on sexual orientation are violating ethical mandates” (p. 418). because ms. ward was in training to be a school counselor, it should also be pointed out that the aca division focus- ing on school counseling, the american school counselor association (asca), has adopted a position very much in keeping with standard a.4.b. of the aca code of ethics. the asca position states, “the professional school counselor is committed to the inclusion and affirmation of youths of all sexual orientation” (stone, 2005, p. 275). diversity as a core value of the counseling profession expert testimony provided by julea ward’s defense team (ex. at sep. 1, 2009) supported ms. ward, in part, by noting that the initial ethics code of aca promulgated in 1961 (american personnel and guidance association, 1961) included a state- ment that counselors may decline to initiate counseling on the journal of counseling & development m april 2014 = volume 92

  basis of personal limitations. what the expert testimony did not note is that, over the past 5 decades since the publication of that initial ethics code, the counseling profession has evolved and shifted from a focus on the counselor to a focus on the client, with an emphasis on attending to multiculturalism and diversity. as such, the current 2005 edition of the aca code of ethics contains a very different imperative than the outdated one provided by the plaintiff’s expert testimony. the current statement is so central to the values of the counseling profes- sion that it is written in the preamble: professional values are an important way of living out an ethical commitment. values inform principles. inherently held values that guide our behaviors or exceed prescribed behaviors are deeply ingrained in the counselor and developed out of personal dedication, rather than the mandatory requirement of an external organization. (p. 3) the preamble to the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) pro- vides a focus of these inherently held professional values for counselors: multiculturalism and diversity. the preamble states, “association members recognize diversity and embrace a cross- cultural approach in support of the worth, dignity, potential and uniqueness of people within their social and cultural contexts” (p. 3). these statements in the preamble of the current aca code of ethics make it clear that it is contrary to the core values of professional counseling to refuse to see clients with same-sex issues on the basis of personal values about homosexuality and that professional counselors and counselors-in-training are ob- ligated to work within the sexual orientation framework of their clients because that is a major component of diversity. the district court ruling on counseling values and sexual orientation in his summary judgment, judge steeh agreed with the aca stance on counseling values and homosexuality. specifically, judge steeh wrote: the aca code of ethics is the industry standard in the field of counseling. ... a counselor who cannot keep their [sic] personal values out of the interaction has great potential to harm her client. ... the aca chief professional officer, dr. kaplan, explained in his expert report that plaintiff’s request to refer clients based on their protected status (sexual orientation) “was a clear and major violation of the aca code of ethics as it would have been if she had refused to counsel an assigned african american on the basis that her values would not allow her to provide services to people of color.’ (ward v. wilbanks at 22-26) man counselors make referrals at any time they wish to do so? ms. ward claimed in her lawsuit that referral is “an accepted practice within the counseling profession, including, but not kaplan limited to, those circumstances where there is a clash between a counselor’s values and a client’s values/goals” (ward v. wil- banks, 2009, compl. at 7). because ms. ward felt strongly that homosexuality is immoral, her counsel argued that it was perfectly appropriate for her to make a referral after reviewing the intake information, which stated that the client wanted to talk about same-sex issues. the plaintiff also referenced the first sentence of the aca code of ethics (standard a.11.b.; aca, 2005) in support of her decision to refer: “if counselors determine an inability to be of professional assistance to clients, they avoid entering or continuing counseling relationships” (aca, 2005, p. 6). ms. ward claimed that she was not able to be of professional assistance to this client because of “the irreconcilable dif- ferences between her religious views regarding homosexual behavior and [the client’s] desire for counseling regarding his homosexual relationship” (ward v. wilbanks, 2009, compl. at 139). therefore, she also claimed that standard a.11.b. of the aca code of ethics obligated her to ask the clinic staff to reas- sign the client to a different practicum counselor-in-training. finally, ms. ward argued that her action was acceptable because the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) permits the use of personal and moral values when deciding whether to refer clients (ward v. wilbanks, 2009, compl. at 135). specifically, ms. ward’s complaint referenced standard a.9.b., end of life care for terminally i] clients (aca, 2005, p. 5). this section allows personal and moral values to be a factor in deciding whether a counselor will choose to work with terminally ill clients who wish to explore end-of-life options such as physician-assisted suicide. referral criterion in the aca code of ethics competency. ms. ward implied that counselors may make a referral on the simple basis that a counselor is uncomfortable with a client’s values. other than the one instance noted in the values exception section later in this article, there is no state- ment in the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) indicating that re- ferral can be made on the basis of counselor values. the section that speaks to both termination and referral (standard a.11.) focuses on the “inability” rather than the “unwillingness” of a counselor as the criteria for referral (aca, 2005, p. 6). as such, the focus of appropriate referral revolves around skills. counselors should refer if they do not have specific expertise needed by a client (e.g., treatment for an eating disorder), not when they are uncomfortable with a client’s characteristics. in other words, the focus of referral is on the needs of the client, not the values of the counselor. counselors and counselors-in- training who experience a clash between their personal values and client characteristics, such as ms. ward, should obtain the appropriate supervision that will allow them to continue with the client (and similar clients in the future) and provide quality services. referral as a last resort. the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) does not treat referral lightly because it can lead to journal of counseling & development m= april 2014 = volume 92

  ethical implications of ward v. wilbanks perceived abandonment. stanndard a.11.a., abandonment pro- hibited, clearly states, “counselors do not abandon or neglect clients in counseling” (aca, 2005, p. 6). the aca amicus brief filed with the sixth circuit court of appeals stated, a counselor who drops a client whenever potential values- based conflicts arise . . . violates [the prohibition against abandonment]. the code recognizes that a client may suffer harm if the counselor turns away at the very moment that the client’s most sensitive issues arise. because of this risk, termination and/or referral are matters of last resort, to be handled on a case-by-case basis with sensitivity to the facts specific to the client in question. (ward v. wilbanks, 2011, ex. at 15-16) the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) permits counselors to terminate a counseling relationship under three conditions: “when it becomes reasonably apparent that the client no longer needs assistance, is not likely to benefit, or is being harmed by continued counseling” (section a.11.c.). ms. ward did not provide evidence that any of these three conditions had occurred. therefore, her refusal to see her client solely on the basis of the client’s sexual orientation issues was a major violation of the termination and referral section of the aca code of ethics (p. 6) and constituted abandonment. the values exception. the complaint filed by adf accu- rately summarized the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) section on end-of-life care for terminally ill clients (standard a.9.b.): provision a.9.b. of the aca code of ethics recognizes that personal and moral beliefs may prevent a counselor from being able to provide services to a client who is interested in evaluating his end of life options, and states that if such a conflict arises an “appropriate referral” should be made. (ward y. wilbanks, 2009, compl. at 135) section a.9.b. does indeed give permission for counselors to refrain from working with terminally ill clients who wish to explore options for hastening their death if doing so would violate the personal values of the counselor. it should be noted that this is the exception that proves the rule. the aca ethics revision task force, which pro- mulgated the 2005 aca code of ethics, was very much aware of the code’s prohibition on using personal values as a criterion for referral or termination. the task force was also aware that the new section of the code, giving counselors permission to assist terminally ill clients in thinking through the hastening of their death, would likely violate deeply held personal and moral tenets of some counselors. therefore, this section was written in such a way as to give counselors the option, on the basis of their values, of working or not working with terminally ill clients who wish to explore the hastening of their death. the aca ethics revision task force gave permission in this one specific situation because using the counselor’s personal values as the basis for refrain- ing from assisting a terminally ill client to explore options for hastening death would otherwise be prohibited by the aca code of ethics. the district court ruling on referral as with his ruling on counseling values and sexual orienta- tion, judge steeh agreed with the aca position on referrals. the summary judgment stated, regarding referrals, the aca recommends that “[i]f coun- selors determine an inability to be of professional assistance to clients, they avoid entering or continuing counseling relationships.” this excerpt is consistent with the opinion of chief professional officer david kaplan that “[t]here is no statement in the aca code of ethics that referral can be made on the basis of counselor values” unless they are counseling ‘terminally ill’ clients who wish to explore options for has- tening their death.” additionally, dr. kaplan explained that the provision in the aca code of ethics allowing referrals of clients seeking end-of-life counseling is “the exception that proves the rule” that values-base referrals based on a client’s protected status are not appropriate. that is because the code of ethics permits a// counselors, regardless of religious faith, to refer clients seeking counseling for end-of-life issues. (ward v. wilbanks, at 7 & 31). mwhen is a client a client? one of the more unique claims made in ms. ward’s legal docu- ments was that an ethical violation did not occur in her situation because the individual assigned to her was not yet a client. her complaint stated, “ms. ward did not in fact impose her religious views regarding homosexual behavior on the client because she never met with him” (ward v. wilbanks, 2009, compl. at 118). a subsequent filing by ms. ward’s legal team expanded on this idea. ms. ward never met the potential practicum client. thus, she could not have imposed her values on the client. in fact, the individual assigned to her was not even her client, since at emu’s clinic the counselor—client relationship begins “[a] t the first meeting,” not before. (br. at 10, feb. 26, 2010) aca responded by pointing out that the book the coun- selor and the law (wheeler & bertram, 2008), published by aca, makes it clear that the definition of a client begins at the moment an individual requests assistance. (note. a subsequent edition of the counselor and the law has been published since the filing of aca’s expert testimony.) the simple and safe answer to this question [of who is a cli- ent] is, “anyone who seeks advice or counseling.” therefore, it is prudent, whenever you are in your professional role, to meet the standards and fulfill your duty whenever you are interacting with a person who may become a client. (p. 13) journal of counseling & development m april 2014 = volume 92

  146 the fact that we have ethical responsibilities to those who have requested assistance obligates professional counselors to respect the dignity and promote the welfare of those who contact us, even if a session has not yet occurred. for example, the office of a counselor in private practice may receive a telephone call requesting an appointment from an individual who wants to use insurance that is not accepted by the counselor. because the individual is now defined as a client, due to initial contact, the counselor has an obligation to assist the individual to find an appropriate mental health professional who does accept the insurance. it is, therefore, clear that the individual assigned to ms. ward was her client and that all statements and imperatives in the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) pertaining to clients applied in her case. mconclusion it was the unequivocal position of aca that ms. julea ward committed major and serious violations of the aca code of ethics (aca, 2005) during her counseling practicum at emu. the ensuing legal case allowed aca to successfully present its official position on a number of important ethical issues: ¢ professional counselors may not deny counseling services to a homosexual person (or an individual belonging to any other protected class of clients) on the basis of the counselor’s values. ¢ referrals are to be made on the basis of skill-based competency, not values. kaplan ¢ to avoid abandonment, referral is an option of last resort. ¢ the counselor’s ethical obligations to an individual starts at first contact or assignment, not at the first session. mreferences american personnel and guidance association. (1961). ethical standards. washington, dc: american personnel and guidance association. american counseling association. (2005). aca code of ethics. retrieved from http://www.counseling.org/resources/aca-code- of-ethics.pdf council for accreditation of counseling and related educational programs. (2009). 2009 accreditation manual. alexandria, va: author. hermann, m. a., & herlihy, b. w. (2006). legal and ethical impli- cations of refusing to counsel homosexual clients. journal of counseling & development, 84, 414-418. stone, c. (2005). school counseling principles: ethics and law. alexandria, va: american school counselor association. ward v. wilbanks, no. 09-cv-11237, doc. 1 (e.d. mich., apr. 2, 2009). ward v. wilbanks, no. 10-2100, doc. 006110869854 (6th cir. court of appeals, feb. 11, 2011). retrieved from http://www.counsel- ing.org/resources/pdfs/emuamicusbrief.pdf wheeler, n., & bertram, b. (2008). the counselor and the law: a guide to legal and ethical practice (sth ed.). alexandria, va: american counseling association. journal of counseling & development m= april 2014 = volume 92     


secondary_title_index: american psychologist
abstract_index:
       latinx immigrants living in the united states often experience the negative effects of systemic oppression, which may lead to psychological distress, including ethno-racial trauma. we define ethno-racial trauma as the individual and/or collective psychological distress and fear of danger that results from experiencing or witnessing discrimination, threats of harm, violence, and intimidation directed at ethno-racial minority groups. this form of trauma stems from a legacy of oppressive laws, policies, and practices. using an intersectionality framework, this article discusses the complex ways in which interlocking systems of oppression (e.g., racism, ethnocentrism, nativism, sexism) and anti-immigrant policies impact latinxs individuals, families, and communities. the article also presents a framework to stimulate healing from ethno-racial trauma titled, heart (healing ethno and racial trauma). grounded in the principles of liberation psychology and trauma-informed care, the framework is composed of four phases. each phase is
  accompanied by a goal to assist clinicians in helping individuals, families, and communities to achieve growth, wellness, and healing. the main objective of each phase is for latinx immigrants to find relief, gain awareness, and cope with systemic oppression while encouraging resistance and
  protection from the external forces that cause ethno-racial trauma. overall, our intention and hopeful expectation is that the content presented in this article serves as a call to action for psychologists to make psychology a sanctuary discipline by using and integrating intersectionality theory, trauma-
  informed care, and liberation psychology into policy, research, and practice with latinx immigrants.     

authors_index:
       chavez-duenas, nayeli y.     adames, hector y.     perez-chavez, jessica g.     salas, silvia p.     

title_index:
       healing ethno-racial trauma in latinx immigrant communities: cultivating hope, resistance, and action.     

full_text_index:
       american psychologist  2019 american psychological association 0003-066x/19/ 12.00  2019, vol. 74, no. 1, 49 – 62 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/amp0000289  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  healing ethno-racial trauma in latinx immigrant communities: cultivating hope, resistance, and action nayeli y. chavez-duenas  hector y. adames  the chicago school of professional psychology  the chicago school of professional psychology, and private practice, chicago, illinois  jessica g. perez-chavez  silvia p. salas  university of wisconsin-madison  university of wisconsin-milwaukee  latinx immigrants living in the united states often experience the negative effects of systemic oppression, which may lead to psychological distress, including ethno-racial trauma. we define ethno-racial trauma as the individual and/or collective psychological distress and fear of danger that results from experiencing or witnessing discrimination, threats of harm, violence, and intimidation directed at ethno-racial minority groups. this form of trauma stems from a legacy of oppressive laws, policies, and practices. using an intersectionality framework, this article discusses the complex ways in which interlocking systems of oppression (e.g., racism, ethnocentrism, nativism, sexism) and anti-immigrant policies impact latinxs individuals, families, and communities. the article also presents a framework to stimulate healing from ethno-racial trauma titled, heart (healing ethno and racial trauma). grounded in the principles of liberation psychology and trauma-informed care, the framework is composed of four phases. each phase is accompanied by a goal to assist clinicians in helping individuals, families, and communities to achieve growth, wellness, and healing. the main objective of each phase is for latinx immigrants to find relief, gain awareness, and cope with systemic oppression while encouraging resistance and protection from the external forces that cause ethno-racial trauma. overall, our intention and hopeful expectation is that the content presented in this article serves as a call to action for psychologists to make psychology a sanctuary discipline by using and integrating intersectionality theory, traumainformed care, and liberation psychology into policy, research, and practice with latinx immigrants. keywords: intersectionality, immigration, latinos, racism, trauma  without ceasing to be ‘the others’ in a white nation, latinx1 carry one of the most heroic and unknown histories of this century: that of their color, hurt and worked until it is made hope. hope that cafe [brown] will be one more color in the rainbow of the races of the world, and it will no longer be the color of humiliation, of contempt, and of forgetting. (marcos, 2004, p. 434)  around much of the world, the united states is often called a nation of immigrants, a phrase that seeks to un-  editor’s note. this article is part of a special issue, “racial trauma: theory, research, and healing,” published in the january 2019 issue of american psychologist. lillian comas-diaz, gordon nagayama hall, and helen a. neville served as guest editors with anne e. kazak as advisory editor.  we thank yvette n. tazeau, claire r. manley, anita o’conor, and nancy chavez for their reviews of earlier versions of this article. we dedicate this article to dr. joseph l. white, the godfather of black psychology, whose teachings, mentoring, and love transformed our lives. we also dedicate this article to undocumented immigrants who carry the burden of unjust laws and oppressive policies on their back. we stand with you! correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to nayeli y. chavez-duenas, department of counseling psychology, the chicago school of professional psychology, 325 north wells street, chicago il, 60654. e-mail: nchavez@thechicagoschool.edu  1 to include and center the broad range of gender identities present among individuals of latin american descent, the term latinx is used throughout the article.  authors’ note. nayeli y. chavez-duenas, department of counseling psychology, the chicago school of professional psychology; hector y. adames, department of counseling psychology, the chicago school of professional psychology, and private practice, chicago, illinois; jessica g. perez-chavez, department of counseling psychology, university of wisconsin-madison; silvia p. salas, department of counseling psychology, university of wisconsin-milwaukee. 49  
  chavez-duenas, adames, perez-chavez, and salas  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  50  nayeli y. chavez-duenas derscore the history of foreign-born populations in the country. this notion is expressed in many facets of american society, including history books, visual arts, and politics. in his 2014 speech on immigration, president barack h. obama stated that . . . we know the heart of a stranger—we were strangers once, too. my fellow americans, we are and always will be a nation of immigrants . . . since the founding of our nation, we’ve weaved a tradition of welcoming immigrants into the very fabric of who we are. (obama, 2014, para. 1) while it is factually accurate to say that the united states has a long history of immigrants coming to its borders, this phrase renders invisible the contributions and experiences of native american and african populations who were colonized, enslaved, and oppressed. the phrase also hides the experiences of violence, racism, ethnic oppression, and criminalization faced by many immigrant populations (e.g., people of middle east and north african descent, asia/pacific islanders, individuals of latin american descent). individuals and communities whom experience violence, racism, and ethnic oppression are at risk of experiencing psychological harm, including trauma (blanco, blanco, & diaz, 2016; comas-diaz, 2007). for instance, helms, nicolas, and green (2010) posits that reactions to racism or ethnoviolence alone or combined with other traumatic events may pose threats to the person’s psychological and physical well-being that may be as psychologically debilitating as reactions to natural disasters or other types of physical and psychological engagement. (p. 16) an assertion that is empirically supported (ong, fuller-rowell, & burrow, 2009).  the purpose of this article is twofold: (1) to examine the implications of ethno-racially oppressive immigration poli-  cies on latinx immigrants as causes of, or contributors to, ethno-racial trauma, which we define as the individual and/or collective psychological distress and fear of danger that results from experiencing or witnessing discrimination, threats of harm, violence, and intimidation directed at ethno-racial minority groups. (2) to present a framework of healing for latinx immigrants affected by ethno-racial trauma that considers interventions at the individual, family, and community levels. intersectionality theory, which was first introduced by black feminists and women of color social justice activists and scholars (grzanka, santos, & moradi, 2017), focuses on the ways in which systems of oppression (e.g., racism, ethnocentrism, nativism, sexism) impact individuals who hold membership in multiple socially constructed groups (crenshaw, 1989), and provides a more nuanced understanding of ethno-racial trauma in latinx immigrant communities, serves as the theoretical framing for the article. while intersectionality theory has primarily been used in critical legal studies, sociology, and black women’s studies, a growing body of psychological literature is beginning to integrate this framework into theory, research, and practice (adames, chavez-duenas, & organista, 2016; cole, 2009; lewis & neville, 2015). aligned with the three major formulations of intersectionality as (1) field of study, (2) an analytic disposition, and (3) a critical praxis of social justice proposed by moradi and grzanka (2017), figure 1, provides a model of ethno-racial trauma that considers the ways in which latinxs are impacted by racism, ethnocentrism, nativism, and other “isms.” the model also depicts how ethno-racial trauma extends beyond individuals and families, with its impact also persecuting immigrant communities. consistent with intersectionality theory, which posits that laws and policies help maintain systems of oppression (crenshaw, 1989), the model integrates the ways in which crimmigration, that is, anti-immigrant laws and policies (stumpf, 2006), contribute to ethno-racial trauma in latinx immigrant communities.  interlocking systems of oppression impacting latinx immigrants othering is the process by which individuals who are perceived as “different” in a given society are rejected and oppressed. in the united states, latinxs are “othered” for multiple reasons, including differences in race, ethnicity, and immigration status. while race and ethnicity have historically been used interchangeably, the consensus among scholars in the social sciences is that they are distinct yet closely intertwined concepts (alvarez, liang, & neville, 2016; helms & cook, 1999) that have an impact on the physical and psychological well-being of individuals and communities (bryant-davis, & ocampo, 2005; perilla, norris, & lavizzo, 2002). thus, nativism, racism, and ethnocentrism contribute to ethno-racial trauma among latinx  
  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  healing ethno-racial trauma  51  challenges that their documented counterparts do not often experience (migration policy institute, 2013; passel & cohn, 2015), including susceptibility to exploitation, abuse, and deportation (adames & chavez-duenas, 2017; national council of la raza, 1990). moreover, in recent years undocumented immigrants have become vulnerable to increased ethnocentrism and nativism in legislation, marked by aggressive and excessive enforcement of immigration policies (migration policy institute, 2013). such changes further contribute to the fear of deportation. anxiety produced by the possibility of being forcibly removed from the united states may also lead latinx immigrants to experience a diminished sense of psychological trust, safety, and security (rojas-flores, clements, hwang koo, & london, 2017).  racism and ethnocentrism hector y. adames immigrants, families, and communities (blanco et al., 2016; comas-diaz, 2007; helms et al., 2010; salas, ayon, & gurrola, 2013). however, given the vast diversity that exists within the latinx population (e.g., skin-color, ethnicity, immigration status), their experience is not universal.  nativism and immigration status nativism. nativism refers to the opposition toward ethnic minorities based on the belief that foreigners are “unamerican” and are a threat to the purity of the national culture (chavez, 2008). it also suggests a preference for those considered “natives” and antipathy to everyone else (perea, 1997). individuals with nativist ideologies hold several cultural stereotypes about latinxs, including perceptions that they: (a) are immigrants who refuse to assimilate, (b) make little effort to learn english, (c) bring with them their inferior cultural values and practices, (d) contribute to budget deficits and higher taxes, (e) take jobs away, (f) abuse public social services, and (g) reside in the country without authorization (anti-defamation league, 2008; chavez, 2008; cornelius, 2002). notwithstanding these commonly held stereotypes, the majority of latinxs (65% or 36 million) are born in the united states. the remaining 35%, or approximately 19 million, are foreign-born (migration policy institute, 2013). out of the 19 million latinxs who are immigrants, approximately half, or 8.8 million, reside in the country without documentation (i.e., have not been granted permission by to work/reside in the united states). moreover, there are approximately 5.5 million latinx children with at least one undocumented parent. undocumented immigrants. as a result of their immigration status, undocumented immigrants confront a host of  the concepts of race and ethnicity have evolved over time, contributing to the divergent ways in which they are used in the literature. in some instances, ethnicity has been used as a proxy for race (helms & cook, 1999). this conundrum is particularly evident when considering the u.s. census bureau’s history of categorizing latinxs. for instance, in the 1960s latinxs were classified as “spanish,” in the 1980s as “hispanics,” and in the new millennium as “hispanics/latinos” (gomez, 2007). latinxs were grouped as one race until the 2000 census when, for the first time in u.s. history, individuals were allowed to classify themselves as belonging to any or more than one race (taylor, lopez, martinez, & velasco, 2012). the ways in which latinxs have been categorized is an example of how race and ethnicity were used synonymously to classify this racially heterogeneous population, thus contributing to the erroneous notion that ethnicity equates to race. while race and ethnicity are different sociopolitical constructs, they both contribute to the othering of racial and ethnic minority individuals, resulting in racism and ethnocentrism (carter, 2007; smedley & smedley, 2012). racism. racism is an ideology used to justify harmful practices of inequity based on the belief that one race is superior to another based on skin color and phenotype (carter & pieterse, 2005). conversely, ethnocentrism is a belief that one’s own ethnic group’s beliefs, values, and practices are superior to all others (bizumic, duckitt, popadic, dru, & krauss, 2009). hence, racism is associated with a belief in racial superiority, while ethnocentrism refers to the ideology that the culture (e.g., shared customs, values, language) of one group is superior. beliefs about racial and ethnic superiority are detrimental to latinxs; however, not every latinx is impacted equally. latinxs who are visibly othered (e.g., skin color, phenotype) are the most vulnerable.  
  chavez-duenas, adames, perez-chavez, and salas  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  52  jessica g. perezchavez  skin color and phenotype. latinx individuals can trace their racial heritage to three different racial groups: indigenous, black, and white (chavez-duenas, adames, & organista, 2014). the mixing of these three groups in the period following the colonization of the americas is often referred to as mestizaje, a term initially used to connote that all individuals of latinx descent were racially mixed (adames et al., 2016). thus, latinxs are socialized to not identify as racial beings and are implicitly encouraged to adopt mestizaje racial ideologies (adames et al., 2016; adames & chavez-duenas, 2017) despite living and experiencing the effects of the established skin color hierarchy in latin america and in the united states. (bonilla-silva, 2014; montalvo & codina, 2001). a review of the few available empirical studies examining the effect of skin color differences among latinxs suggests that being darker and having less european-phenotypic features can negatively impact mental health (montalvo & codina, 2001), educational attainment, and income (arce, murguia, & frisbie, 1987). the pattern in the extant literature reviewed strongly suggests that individuals with darker skin and less european-phenotypic features also experience more racial oppression and psychological distress (araujo & borrell, 2006; telzer & vazquez garcia, 2009).  crimmigration: the criminalization of immigrants evidence of ethno-racially motivated practices affecting latinxs are abundant throughout u.s. history. from the lynching of mexicans by white mobs throughout the southwest (gomez, 2007; massey, 2007), to the segregation of latinxs during the jim crow era (chavez, 2008) and the  zoot suit riots in los angeles, people of latinx descent have a history of oppression and rejection that has extended to nativist laws, practices, and immigration policies. for instance, while immigrants from latin america were not subjected to immigration quotas, they were specifically targeted by several pieces of legislation (e.g., repatriation act of the 1930). many individuals in the united states continue to hold the belief that they have the inherent right to live in the country because “their ancestors came ‘the right’ way [and] they assume that their ancestors ‘went through the process’” (chomsky, 2014, p. 1). however, this belief ignores the fact that many immigrants settled in the united states before the current immigration laws were established, and that the concept of “illegality” was created and applied to unauthorized foreign-born individuals (chomsky, 2014). the term crimmigration, coined by professor juliet stumpf (2006), helps to illustrate the intersection between criminal and immigration laws. in the united states, crimmigration can be traced to several legislative acts, including the immigration and nationality act of 1965, immigration reform and control act (irca), and the illegal immigration reform and immigrant responsibility act (iirira; chomsky, 2014). together, these programs became the foundation of the criminal alien program (cap), designed to identify, detain, and deport immigrants with criminal convictions within federal, state, and local prisons (ewing, martinez, & rumbaut, 2015). overall, these laws and policies have served as additional legal structures that further contribute to the othering of latinx immigrants by eroding feelings of stability, predictability, safety, and hope, leaving latinx communities vulnerable to ethno-racial trauma.  impact of racism, ethnocentrism, and nativism on individuals, families, communities sociohistorical context currently, latinxs are living through one of the most anti-immigrant periods in modern u.s. history, with a significant increase in laws and policies that disproportionately target this community. in 2005, there were approximately 300 anti-immigration bills in congress; by 2015, this number had increased to 1,500 (american immigration council, 2015). moreover, the number of anti-immigrant legislative acts enacted increased 500%, from 38 to 222, during that same 9-year period (american immigration council, 2015; ewing et al., 2015). in addition to the cap program, the last two decades have witnessed a rise in collaboration programs between local, state, and federal law enforcement agencies. these programs are used as strategies to enforce immigration laws using ethno-racial profiling and to identify and criminalize immigrants who often have only committed minor offenses (e.g., traffic violations, urinating in public,  
  healing ethno-racial trauma  53  fear and terror which can lead to negative psychological effects for immigrants (salas et al., 2013).  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  ethno-racial trauma  silvia p. salas  forgery, receipt of stolen property). in addition, immigration and customs enforcement (ice) employs a variety of methods to arrest, detain, and deport thousands of documented and undocumented immigrants each year (american immigration lawyers association, 2011). the tactics used by ice range from workplace raids to driving checkpoints, along with house arrests, all of which contribute to widespread fear of deportation within the latinx community (adames & chavez-duenas, 2017). scholars posit that ice purposefully tries to instill fear in immigrants; in other words, to terrorize, to make them voluntarily deport themselves to their countries of origin (sladkova, garcia mangado, & reyes quinteros, 2012). these fears were exacerbated by the anti-immigrant rhetoric of the 2016 u.s. presidential campaign and the promises made by then-presidential candidate donald j. trump that included the construction of a wall between the united states and mexico and an increase in ice officials, and more aggressive enforcement of immigration laws (chavez-duenas, adames, & organista, 2016). during the first month of his presidency, trump signed an executive order giving federal immigration agents freedom to arrest and detain practically any undocumented immigrant with whom they come in contact (kopan, 2017). the increase in immigration enforcement is evident in the number of immigrants arrested (22,000) during the first few months (january through mid-march 2017; hesson & min kim, 2017). these numbers represent a 32% increase in immigrant arrests from the same period in 2016. during the same timeframe, the southern poverty law center (2016) reported 315 hate crime incidents against immigrants. threatening, antiimmigrant rhetoric, coupled with the increase in both antiimmigrant policies and hate crimes, has cultivated a climate of  the american psychological association (apa) published a presidential task force report that explains how some immigrants may fair well while others are faced with a myriad of challenges (american psychological association (apa), 2012; casas, 2014). the few available studies examining experiences of trauma among latinx immigrants in the united states indicate that they are prone to experiencing traumatic events throughout the three different stages of the immigration process (foster, 2001; salas et al., 2013). for instance, while in their countries of origin, latinx immigrants are likely to experience extreme levels of poverty, political persecution, natural disasters, kidnapping, rape, and sexual violence (bowen & marshall, 2008). during their journey to the united states, immigrants are at further risk of experiencing extortion, rape, robberies, kidnappings, physical injuries, and exposure to extreme temperatures resulting in hypothermia and hyperthermia. after their arrival onto u.s. territory, immigrants often encounter additional incidents that threaten their physical and psychological well-being such as poverty, exposure to community violence, racism, ethnocentrism, nativism, isolation, and fear of deportation (aranda & vaquera, 2015; dreby, 2012; foster, 2001). exposure to traumatic events prior to their immigration and during their journey, along with the high levels of stress related to racism, ethnocentrism, and nativism in the united states, may result in and/or exacerbate ethno-racial trauma among latinx immigrants, affecting their health, mental health, and everyday functioning. impact on individuals and families. fear of a family member or close friend being deported is common among latinx, with over half (i.e., 68%) experiencing worries related to immigration (lopez & minushkin, 2008). in addition to fear of deportation, studies indicate that at the individual level, immigrants report fear about being detained and treated like criminals while in detention (pottinger, 2005). these fears are indeed justified. for instance, in a study by sladkova and colleagues (2012), detained immigrants reported being denied their medication and access to basic human needs. recent reports also indicate that being detained by immigration officials make immigrants feel more vulnerable and that they experience anxiety, isolation, and fear of going out in public (mark, 2017), all of which impact occupational, educational, and interpersonal functioning. fear of detention and deportation is also keeping immigrants from driving, taking their children to school, seeking medical care, and reporting crimes (mark, 2017). empirical studies suggest that immigrants who are racially othered are at greater risk of experiencing race-based discrimination (berry & sabatier, 2010; liebkind &  
  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  54  chavez-duenas, adames, perez-chavez, and salas  figure 1. an intersectional model of ethno-racial trauma in latinx immigrant communities. the model explicitly considers the ways in which intersecting historical and structural systems impact the well-being, health, and resources available to latinx individuals, families and communities, underscoring social inequities, aggressive immigration policies, and power dynamics. the model can also be applied to other immigrant groups.  jasinskaja-lahti, 2000), which sequentially has a significantly negative impact on health and well-being (apa, 2012). for instance, latinx (regardless of immigration status) who are visibly indistinguishable from european americans (i.e., european phenotype) benefit from light-skin privilege, whereas latinx immigrants that are visible ethnoracial minorities (e.g., darker-skin, indigenous phenotype) are increasingly associated with illegality by law enforcement (aranda & vaquera, 2015; downs, 2017). hence, latinx immigrants with european phentoype are less likely to be racially profiled and have a lower probability of being detained and deported (aranda & vaquera, 2015). the aggressive and excessive enforcement of immigration policies targeting latinx immigrants can also have negative psychological repercussions on families, including fear of deportation, family fragmentation, individual and family symptoms of trauma, and economic hardship (chaudry et al., 2010; dreby, 2012). unfortunately, children often bear the burden of anti-immigrant policies by experiencing increases in anxiety, fear of being separated from their parents, and posttraumatic symptoms (brabeck & xu, 2010). such fears can negatively impact their functioning in school by making it difficult to concentrate and complete assignments (brabeck & xu, 2010; dreby, 2012). among latinx children of parents who have been detained and deported, significantly higher  externalizing behavior and posttraumatic stress disorder (ptsd) symptoms have been reported by parents and clinicians, compared with children of parents without prior contact with immigration enforcement (rojas-flores et al., 2017). these symptoms may be exacerbated for children who witness their parents being arrested by immigration officials (sladkova et al., 2012; thronson, 2008), which may contribute to children’s fear of the police (brabeck & xu, 2010). fearing law enforcement, and experiencing the stigma associated with immigration, have been associated with children distancing themselves from their cultural heritage (dreby, 2012). impact on the larger community. immigrant communities are also negatively impacted by anti-immigrant rhetoric, policies, and practices leading to widespread fear and mistrust of government officials and agencies (e.g., police, health care providers). a qualitative study on a latinx immigrant community from lowell, massachusetts, conducted by sladkova et al. (2012) exemplifies how communities are negatively affected by workplace raids. participants described that information about the raids had quickly dispersed, leading people to: (a) live in fear, (b) be more vigilant, and (c) have difficulties carrying on with everyday activities. for example, parents did not want to send their children to school, and many avoided seeking essential health services because of the fear and belief that health care  
  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  healing ethno-racial trauma  providers would report the family to ice (sladkova et al., 2012). studies have also reported that fearing the police decreases the likelihood that immigrants will report crimes and collaborate with law enforcement (silka, 2007; tahirih justice center, 2017). for instance, immigrant latinas who are survivors of domestic abuse and sexual violence are uniquely impacted by interlocking systems of oppression including sexism, ethnocentrism, nativism, and racism, situating latina women in a place where they fear being arrested and deported if they make a police report. these realities of women in immigrant communities are exemplified by a survey conducted in april 2017, wherein 78% of legal advocates and attorneys who work with survivors reported that their immigrant clients had expressed explicit worries about calling the police because of fear of deportation (tahirih justice center, 2017). moreover, police chiefs in los angeles and houston conveyed that latinx survivors were reporting sexual assaults at lower rates because of the hostile, anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies targeting undocumented immigrant communities in their respective cities. the houston city police chief indicated that the number of latinxs reporting rape had decreased by 42% in 2016 from the same period in the previous year (lewis, 2017). given the unique ways in which latinx immigrants are impacted by interlocking systems of oppression, healing from ethno-racial trauma requires them to have a sense of control over their own liberation.  the heart framework: healing ethno-racial trauma healing from the fear of danger that results from experiencing or witnessing discrimination, threats of harm, violence, and intimidation directed at ethnic and racial minority groups requires that individuals, families, and communities create and hold some level of control and power over the ways in which they are internally and externally oppressed (nelson & prilleltensky, 2010). thus, healing ethno-racial trauma requires a focus on both the symptoms of the trauma (internal) and the interlocking systems of oppression (external) that cause and maintain psychological distress. attending exclusively to internal symptoms of trauma and utilizing psychological interventions focused on the individual may drive clinicians and researchers to predominantly tend to subjective experiences, symptoms, and signs, hence missing the opportunity to consider and address how different systems of oppression (i.e., intersectionality) impact clients’ presenting concerns. as an alternative, focusing solely on the impact of oppression on the lives of clients may miss the more nuanced and variable personal experiences related to psychological trauma. the combination of treatment models and interventions designed to address trauma (e.g., trauma-informed care), along with literature on systemic oppression (bryant-davis & ocampo, 2006) such  55  as liberation psychology, may serve as a viable integrative framework to promote healing. trauma informed care seeks to understand, identify, and respond to the impact of trauma on the lives of survivors. it highlights the need to address: (a) physical, psychological, and emotional safety; (b) trustworthiness, (c) choice, (d) collaboration, and (e) empowerment (fallot & harris, 2009). healing focuses on establishing safety, symptom stabilization, reprocessing, and reconnecting clients to self and others (herman, 1992; peck, 2012). liberation psychology, grounded in the work of martin-baro (1996) and freire (1968), underscores the need to understand and address the sociopolitical structures that negatively impact the lives of oppressed and impoverished communities. liberation psychology draws upon the need for communities to (a) recover [rich] historical memory,” which helps oppressed communities revive and employ methods used by their ancestors to survive, resist, and organize, and (b) strengthen cultural pride and traditions (martin-baro, 1996). healing entails an explicit focus on active resistance rather than solely reactionary resilience. thus, liberation psychology embodies four main acts of resistance: first, that members of oppressed groups view their oppression as a collective assault requiring a unified response (e.g., social organizing). second, that clinicians conceptualize problems and interventions within a social-historical context. third, treatment goals should be designed to promote self-determination. finally, action toward change explicitly targets institutions and systems that create and maintain oppression (utsey, bolden, & brown, 2001). a healing framework of ethno-racial trauma grounded in trauma-informed care and liberation psychology, titled the heart (healing ethno and racial trauma) framework, is proposed (figure 2). the acronym spells the word heart, which in the indigenous aztec culture symbolizes the center of life—where the spirit and seed of humanity is housed (davies, 1973). similarly, the ancient african kemet believed that the heart, rather than the brain, was the source of human wisdom, memory, and emotions (parham, 2002). the integration of indigenous and african beliefs represents an approach to healing from ethno-racial trauma that centers on cultivating and promoting self-determination which fosters hope and resistance. heart is also grounded in the premise that healing results from individuals reconnecting, strengthening, or staying connected to their ethno-racial roots (adames & chavezduenas, 2017; parham, ajamu, & white, 2010). heart is designed to take place in spaces where ethno-racial minorities can feel heard, affirmed, and protected from external invalidation, threats, and hate that often contributes to psychological distress. given that ethno-racial groups live in a society where their humanities are constantly under assault, the notion of “safe” spaces are unrealistic. instead, the heart framework envisions healing taking place in spaces that have been designed as “sanctuaries.” the word and concept of “sanctuary” derives directly from the immigrant community and describes places created to offer protection, affirmation, and validation to  
  chavez-duenas, adames, perez-chavez, and salas  56  individual  family  community  i  ii  establish sanctuary spaces for latinxs experiencing ethno-racial trauma  acknowledge, reprocess, and cope with symptoms of ethno-racial trauma  goal:  goal:  assist with immediate relief from the effects of ethno-racial trauma.  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  phase i  phase ii  healing ethno-racial trauma  iv  liberation and resistance  ! phase iv  goal: develop a social justice orientation through collective action and resistance to foster psychological liberation.  phase iii  help clients develop an awareness of how systems of oppression impact the self, family, and community; reprocess traumatic experiences and provide support to cope with emotional stress and symptoms associated with ethno-racial trauma.  iii  strengthen and connect individuals, families, and communities to survival strategies and cultural traditions that heal goal: assist individuals, families, and communities to connect to the latinx culture, learn and utilize collective cultural strengths, and engage in traditions that are healing.  figure 2. heart framework: healing ethno and racial trauma framework. the heart framework addresses the impact of racism, ethnocentrism, nativism, and other systems of oppression (e.g., sexism, heterosexism) on the latinx immigrant community. the seven psychological strengths of latinxs identified and described by adames and chavez-duenas (2017, p. 29) mentioned in phase iii include: (1) determination: the endless drive and courage to do what is necessary to survive, (2) esperanza: faith, even during the most difficult situations, that things will turn out for the best, (3) adaptability: the ability to adapt and thrive in a variety of different contexts, (4) strong work ethic: valuing the importance of working hard, producing quality, and taking pride in one’s work, regardless of occupation, (5) connectedness to others: need and enjoyment of being emotionally, physically, and spiritually connected with others, (6) collective emotional expression: the ability, need, and desire to share strong emotions with others, and (7) resistance: the willpower and courage to stand firmly for one’s beliefs, ideals, and practices.  those who live in fear. “sanctuary” evokes the sense of coping with hate on a community level. more recently, the sanctuary movement in the united states has sought to create spaces of solidarity, affirmation, and security for undocumented individuals, families, and communities threatened by immigration laws and policies founded on ethno-racial hate. sanctuary spaces allow for latinxs to (a) authentically express themselves, be affirmed, and acknowledged; (b) reprocess and mourn the losses associated with ethno-racial trauma; (c) integrate experiences of ethno-racial trauma and connect to cultural elements and practices that heal; and (d) create strategies for protecting, liberating, resisting, and organizing for social action. together these four phases are the foundational pillars of the heart framework. the first three phases are informed by the widely accepted principles (i.e., safety, grieving, reconnecting) of trauma care (peck, 2012). the last phase is grounded in the work of fanon (1967) and martin-baro’s (1996) psychology of liberation. each phase is accompanied by a goal. overall, the heart framework aims to promote healing from ethno-racial trauma for individuals as  well as families and communities. below, we outline the goal of each phase and provide recommendations to stimulate healing for latinx individuals, families, and communities.  phase i: establishing sanctuary spaces for latinxs experiencing ethno-racial trauma speaking and listening is how humanity learns to walk. it is the word that gives form to that walk that goes on inside of us. speaking, we heal the pain. speaking and listening, we accompany each other. (marcos, 2002, p. 76)  working with survivors of ethno-racial trauma requires that providers develop an in-depth understanding of the phenomenological experience of latinx people in the united states, including the impact of racism, ethnocentrism, nativism, and additional forms of othering on individuals, families, and communities. mainstream, trauma-informed care suggests that clinicians working with survivors of trauma “must believe strongly that recovery from traumatic experience cannot take place without sufficient stability to be able to remember the  
  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  healing ethno-racial trauma  past without becoming overwhelmed by it and thus retraumatized” (fisher, 1999, p. 1). in addition to stability, trauma-informed care also describes physical and emotional safety as a central component in the treatment of survivors of any kind of trauma. however, “sufficient stability” may not be attainable for survivors of ethno-racial trauma who experience insidious and ongoing attacks on their personhood. moreover, developing a sense of physical safety among undocumented latinx immigrants and their families is complex and may also be unattainable given the reality that they could be detained and deported at any time and for any reason. while creating a sense of physical and emotional safety in society may not be possible, a sanctuary space can be created by developing a sense of physical safety within the context of treatment. organizations and providers can ensure that in their spaces, the experiences and stories of latinxs immigrants are respected, validated, and affirmed. overall, while safety and complete stabilization may not be feasible for latinx immigrants, focusing on assisting individuals, families and communities gain immediate relief from the effects of psychological distress caused by ethno-racial trauma is possible. phase i in table 1 describes some recommendations to help providers and organizations achieve this goal.  phase ii: acknowledge, reprocess, and cope with symptoms of ethno-racial trauma we need to bear witness to what we have lost: our safety, our sense of belonging, our vision of our country. we need to mourn all these injuries fully, so that they do not drag us into despair, so repair will be possible. (diaz, 2016, para. 4)  vast amounts of research exist regarding effective treatments for symptoms of psychological trauma, with traumafocused cognitive–behavioral therapy (tf-cbt) being the intervention recommended most (seidler & wagner, 2006). tf-cbt utilizes various techniques (e.g., visualization, talking, thinking about the traumatic event) to help clients process traumatic experiences in an environment they deem safe. however, trauma-informed interventions have not been empirically investigated for symptoms related to ethno-racial trauma (bryant-davis & ocampo, 2006). instead, models of treatment adaptations are proposed by scholars to explicitly address trauma resulting from experiences of racism, ethnocentrism, and oppression (bryant-davis & ocampo, 2006; comas-diaz, 2007; dunbar & blanco, 2014). following a treatment adaptation practice, phase ii seeks to integrate elements of tf-cbt with the process of concientizacion, a core element of liberation psychology. concientizacion is the process whereby individuals locate their experiences within a historical context of oppression and marginalization, which serves as a way for clients to give themselves permission not to self-blame for experiencing symptoms that result from living in an oppressive environment. this approach also helps clinicians shift their conceptualization of trauma by explicitly considering the con-  57  textual factors that may be contributing to the problems that latinx immigrants experience. in general, phase ii aims to help clients to (a) acknowledge the impact of ethno-racial trauma, (b) process the experience in a sanctuary space (consistent with tf-cbt), (c) develop culturally responsive ways of coping, and (d) contextualize their distress by challenging assumptions about the source(s) of their difficulties (e.g., racism has been part of this country since its foundation, many of the problems that communities of color face are structural and not internal to the individual). recommendations on how to assist latinx immigrants to acknowledge, reprocess, and cope with ethnoracial trauma are provided on phase ii of table 1.  phase iii: strengthen and connect individuals, families, and communities to survival strategies and cultural traditions that heal and while we’re doing the hard, necessary work of mourning, we should avail ourselves of the old formations that have seen us through darkness. we organize. we form solidarities. and, yes: we fight. to be heard. to be safe. to be free. (diaz, 2016, para.5)  developing a healthy racial and ethnic identity grounded in cultural strengths is important across the life span. to this end, phase iii focuses on assisting latinxs to strengthen their connection with their culture, or build a connection if one does not exist. evidence suggests that a negative relationship between racial identity status and race-based traumatic stress exists (carter et al., 2017), underscoring how developing a more mature racial identity status could serve as a protective factor against ethno-racial trauma. similarly, being anchored in traditional cultural values, practices, and strengths can help latinx immigrants build psychological armors to survive, cope, and heal from the ongoing attack on their humanity (alvarezrivera, nobles, & lersch, 2014; rumbaut, 2008). this goal is particularly important for young immigrants of color who are susceptible to internalizing racist and ethnocentric messages. while latinx immigrants are currently facing numerous challenges related to nativism, ethnocentrism, and racism, which can result in psychological distress related to ethnoracial trauma, they are also the descendants of remarkably resilient groups of people who, despite being colonized, dehumanized, and oppressed, have developed strategies to survive, resist, and thrive (adames & chavez-duenas, 2017). from the combination of their history and collective survival strategies, seven latinx psychological strengths have been identified by adames & chavez-duenas (2017, p. 29), which include: determination, esperanza, adaptability, strong work ethic, connectedness to others, collective emotional expression, and resistance. mental health providers can use these seven psychological strengths to aid in developing a strength-based treatment approach to help clients cope and heal from ethnoracial trauma. recommendations for how to assist clients in  
  chavez-duenas, adames, perez-chavez, and salas  58  table 1 recommendations for the heart: healing ethno-racial trauma phases  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  phase i  phase ii  community  family  • create a mission statement that underscores • strengthen, maintain, and/or repair attachment disruption caused by ethno-racial trauma by nondiscrimination related to immigration assisting immigrant caregivers in: status (a) maintaining stability in the home by • make materials available in languages creating a regular schedule spoken by latinxs (b) having consistent expectations and limits • train staff to demonstrate care and empathy for children • participate and lead organized activities to (c) dedicating family time for children to advocate for immigrants’ rights express their emotions in ways that are • provide “know your rights” workshops for prosocial through their expressive immigrants preference (e.g., verbal, nonverbal, drawing, • administer information about psychological play) and behavioral symptoms associated with (d) building networks with other families for ethno-racial trauma support • provide resources and referrals for mental • develop safety plans in the event of health treatment deportation including: • provide crisis intervention teams in-house or (a) identifying a guardian for minors who on-call for clients to stop by in times of may be left behind need (e.g., following raids), or inquiry (b) communicating the plan to all members of the family, including children (c) openly discussing fears and reactions related to the possibility of deportations (d) connecting clients with legal resources • for families where a member has been detained: (a) assist families with immediate needs, such as finding the detention center where a family member has been sent; the online detainee locator system provides information about people who are in ice’s custody (b) connect family members to legal representation at low or no cost (c) provide psychological first aid to children who witnessed detainment (d) help family make decisions and plan for the future • provide psychoeducation regarding the • create psychoeducational programs where symptoms and impact of trauma on families members of the community can learn about • assist the family unit in proce ssing the the history of different oppressed groups effects of ethno-racial trauma • provide creative ways (e.g., workshops, • re-label survivor behaviors such as presentations, panels, art exhibits, and opposition, aggressiveness, and passivity as movie screenings) to disseminate examples of people’s determination to information about white supremacy, survive and endure challenges resulting from oppression, and its impact on communities systemic oppression of color • assist the family unit in learning prosocial • create and open sanctuary spaces designed and culturally-congruent ways to modulate for latinxs to reprocess traumatic and cope with the range of emotions a nd experiences related to immigration (e.g., distress associated with ethno-racial trauma crossing the border, being detained by ice) • the latinx culture offers a variety of ways • establish access to mental health professionals to provide emotional for families to cope with stress including: assistance and support when necessary (a) connecting with spiritual guides and • provide concrete information to members of traditional healers (e.g., curanderas, the community that will help them become sobadores, yerberos) aware, process, and cope with symptoms (b) seeking social support from extended related to ethno-racial trauma, such as factfamily and friends sheets, toolkits in various languages and (c) expressing emotions through art mediums (e.g., fotonovel as, infographics), (d) watching and playing sports as a family describing information about symptoms of (e) attending social events that promote trauma, and how to seek additional collective emotional expression such as resources (e.g., psychotherapy) singing, dancing, and/or laughing  individual • for immediate short-term relief of symptoms, implement traditional methods of crisis intervention. the following questions may be helpful: (a) has the client just experienced a racist event? (b) are they in immediate risk of deportation? (c) has someone in the family been detained? • connect with the client by integrating latinx cultural values while communicating (e.g., respect, personalismo/simpatia [caring, pleasant, harmonious interactions], and dignidad [treating the person with dignity]) • demonstrate empathy and care in ways that are culturally congruent, for instance: (a) offer water or tea (b) engage in small platica [small talk], utilizing active listening skills (c) use welcoming and friendly nonverbal behavior • normalize, address, and challenge self-blaming statements; correct cognitive disortions (e.g., i deserve to be treated this way) • assist client in developing a self-care plan to cope with intense traumatic emotions (a) include high-energy activities s uch as exercise (b) promote lower energy activities (e.g., meditation) that can help decrease hyperarousal • teach grounding, centering, and other bodyfocused coping skills • help clients learn when and how to take breaks from talking about traumatic experiences • provide psychoeducation regarding the biological and psychological impact of psychological stress • clinicians should be knowledgeable of literature on latinx psychology, oppression, liberation psychology, and psychological trauma • assess ways clients cope with ethno-racial trauma and aid in their acquisition of additional skills that will help them identify, modulate, and cope with the intense emotions that result from ethno-raci al trauma in healthy ways • be willing and able to bear witness to the intensity of emotions and experiences that may be described by clients in therapy • provide affirmation, validation, and support as clients share their stories • be mindful that n ot all clients may wish to provide detailed accounts of their traumatic experiences • if clients wish to express and describe detailed narratives of traumatic experiences: (a) allow them to do so without rushing or asking too many questions (b) accompany the client through their journey while providing comfort (c) remind the client to take breaks • keep in mind that some latinx immigrant clients may wish to process their emotions in the language in which the trauma took place; hence, the assistance of a translator may be necessary  
  healing ethno-racial trauma  59  table 1 (continued) phases  community  family  individual  • assess client’s stage/status of racial and ethnic • organize events for the community to learn • assess how each member of the family identity system copes with stress associated with about experiences of ethno-racial trauma • examine which specific aspects of the client’s ethno-racial trauma (e.g., lynching of mexican americans, presenting difficulties are associated with segregation, the zoot suit riots) endured by • suggest/teach additional coping strategies that ethno-racial trauma may be practiced individually or as a family the group to which they belong. such • create opportunites to dialogue about the impact utilize case studies from historical events events ca n include: of external and systemic factors on the client’s and/or latinx figures to help families identify (a) documentaries, and movie screenings current symptoms the challenges members of their communities (e.g., zoot suit, the head of joaquin • help clients contextualize the challenges and have fac ed and how they have surivived murrieta) symptoms they face • encourage families to utilize dinners or other (b) testimonies from members of the • role model appreciation and importance of meals as a communal space where daily community who have experienced ethnomaintaining a connection to culture of orgin discussions reduce stress while strengthening racial trauma • crea te treatment goals designed to help clients relationships in the family system, modeling (c) reading books written by people who develop an appreciation of their race and in action the traditional value of familism to have experienced ethno-racial trauma or culture by: children have written about it (e.g., the brief (a) teaching c ultural knowledge • encourage and reinforce famili es’ maintaince wonderous life of oscar wao by junot (b) practicing cultural traditions of their cultural traditions (e.g., quinceaneras, diaz, dying to cross by jorge ramos) (c) learning about and celebrating cultural aguinaldos, carnavales, desfiles, dia de los (b) following events, community leaders strengths to abate effects of ethno-racial reyes, day of the dead) and/or experts can facilitate discussions trauma • assist families in learning and integrating the regarding how the latinx community (d) encouraging healthy cultural distrust psychological strengths o f latinx by: coped, survived, and resisted ongoing (suspicion of white supremacy and the people (a) suggesting that families identify, name, oppression and systems that reincorce it) discuss, and celebrate their cultural strengths (c) facilitators are encouraged to be (b) helping families internalize the strengths familiar with the psychological strengths of their culture, which may buffer the of latinxs (see note in figure 2 for effects of ethno-racial trauma descriptors of strenghts) (d) encourage the community to reflect on the strengths they already utilize and ways to incorporate additional ones • connect communitites to their culture by planning events that celebrate the richness and beauty of the latinx heritage • invite traditional healers to describe and discuss holistic strategies of healthcare phase iv • assist individuals, families, and communities to develop a social justice orientation by: • engaging in power-analysis which in turn produces critical thinking and generates ways of organizing, solving problems, and identifying decisionmakers • exploring causes they are passionate about and where they would like to create change • identifying ways to engage and contribute to systemic change • finding activities and roles that engage in social action such as: (a) volunteering in social agencies that advocate for the rights of immigrants (b) participating in marches and rallies (c) becoming active on social media as a way to raise awareness about the challenges experienced by latinx in the united states (d) running for different leadership positions within their communities (e.g., parent-teacher association, public office)  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  phase iii  note. the recommendations outlined in this table were generated by integrating a number of sources including the following: (a) authors’ clinical experience with immigrant communities, (b) consultation with immigration advocacy groups and organizations, and (c) elements of trauma-informed care and liberation psychology.  developing or strengthening their connection to the latinx traditional culture are provided in phase iii of table 1.  phase iv: liberation and resistance we know that by fighting, against all odds, we who had nothing, not even our real names, transformed the universe. our ancestors did this with very little, and we who have more must do the same. (diaz, 2016, para. 7)  phase iv focuses on promoting a social justice orientation among latinx immigrants and is guided by a liberation psychology paradigm, which encourages oppressed groups to view their struggles through a collectivist lens, thus requiring collective social action. from this perspective, healing takes place when people (a) gain awareness of the systemic roots of the challenges, and (b) learn strategies to act in ways that resist  oppression and lead to social change. from the perspective of liberation psychology, healing that incorporates a social justice component prepares individuals “to confront pressing community problems and shift from individual blame to a consciousness of root and systemic causes of personal problems” (ginwright, 2010, p. 16). engagement in social justice work has been associated with positive mental health and faster recovery from presenting problems for people of color (comas-diaz, 2015; szymanski & lewis, 2015). to this end, the primary task for social justice-oriented organizations and providers is to help assist in “restoring liberty to the oppressed” (utsey et al., 2001, p. 326) so they can act on their own power in ways that promote liberation for themselves and others. alleviating oppression through social justice work becomes a vital compass that collectively heal. phase iv on table 1  
  60  chavez-duenas, adames, perez-chavez, and salas  describes some ways to assist in these endeavors. overall, social justice work provides ways for latinx to create meaning from their struggles while nurturing the strength of hope to have at last, the opportunity to decide our [their] own destiny. the hope that democracy, liberty, and justice become more than the subject of speeches and textbooks. the hope that they become reality for everyone, but above all, for those who have nothing. (marcos, 2004, p. 81)  this document is copyrighted by the american psychological association or one of its allied publishers. this article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.  future considerations: making psychology a sanctuary discipline in this article, we examined the implications of oppressive immigration policies on latinx immigrants and provided a framework that integrates intersectional theory, traumainformed care, and liberation psychology to address ethnoracial trauma. overall, our intention and hopeful expectation is that the content presented serves as a call to action for psychologists to use research, policy, and clinical practice to make psychology a sanctuary discipline. as a discipline, psychology’s largest organization, the american psychological association, can engage in various actions that demonstrate support for and solidarity with immigrant communities. such activities can include (a) the development of a rapid response team dedicated to writing and publishing position statements related to laws and policies that negatively impact the wellbeing of immigrant communities; (b) making immigration issues a top lobbying priority; (c) applying psychological knowledge to the development of reports, social media campaigns, and information sheets that highlight the mental health implications of aggressive immigration policies across the life span. attention also needs to be paid to psychological research with immigrant communities. for instance, while intersectionality theory focuses on understanding the effect of both the interlocking systems of oppression as well as how individuals and communities resist and engage in social action, research on immigrants has predominately focused on the impact of oppression at the exclusion of understanding how communities survive their subjugation. we encourage scholars to integrate a sanctuary research framework whereby the voices, wishes, and expert opinions of the people who have survived and resisted dehumanizing and aggressive immigration policies are intricately woven into all phases of research. in closing, it would be fruitful for psychologists to collaborate with colleagues from across the sciences (e.g., anthropology, sociology, nursing, medicine) and internationally to test the effectiveness of the heart framework and other models that address ethno-racial trauma in immigrant communities.  references adames, h. y., & chavez-duenas, n. y. 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authors_index: conger, jay a.
secondary_title_index: organizational dynamics
title_index: the dark side of leadership
abstract_index:
       in recent years, business leaders have gained great popularity: lee iaccoca and steven jobs, for example, have stepped into the limelight as agents of change and entrepreneurship. but though we tend to think of the positive outcomes associated with leaders, certain risks or liabilities are also entailed. the very behaviors that distinguish leaders from managers also have the potential to produce problematic or even disastrous outcomes for their organizations. for example, when a leader’s behaviors become exaggerated, lose touch with reality, or become vehicles for purely personal gain, they may harm the leader and the organization.  how do leaders produce such negative outcomes -and why? three particular skill areas can contribute to such problems. these include leaders’ strategic vision, their communications and impression-management skills, and their general management practices. we will examine each to discover its darker side.     

full_text_index:
       sometimes the dark side of leadership eclipses the bright sideto the detriment of both the leader and the organization.  the dark sideof leadership jay a. conger  i  n recent years, business leaders have gained great popularity: lee iaccoca and steven jobs, for example, have stepped into the limelight as agents of change and entrepreneurship. but though we tend to think of the positive outcomes associated with leaders, certain risks or liabilities are also entailed. the very behaviors that distinguish leaders from managers also have the potential to produce problematic or even disastrous outcomes for their organizations. for example, when a leader’s behaviors become exaggerated, lose touch with reality, or become vehicles for purely personal gain, they may harm the leader and the organization. how do leaders produce such negative outcomes -and why? three particular skill areas can contribute to such problems. these include leaders’ strategic vision, their communications and impression-management skills, and their general management practices. we will examine each to discover its darker side.  problems with the visionary leader  44  as we know, the 1970sand 1980sbrought tremendous changes in the worlds competitive business environment. previously successful organizations that had grown huge and bureaucratic were suddenly faced with pressures to innovate and alter their ways. out of these  turbulent times came a new breed of business leader: the strategic visionary. these men and women, like ross perot of electronic data systems and mary kay ash of mary kay cosmetics, possessed a twofold ability: to foresee market opportunities and to craft organizational strategies that captured these opportunities in ways that were personally meaningful to employees. when their success stories spread, “vision” became the byword of the 1980s. yet though many of these leaders led their organizations on to great successes,others led their organizations on to great failures. the very qualities that distinguished the visionary leader contained the potential for disaster. generally speaking, unsuccessful strategic visions can often be traced to the inclusion of the leaders’ personal aims that did not match their constituents’ needs. for example, leaders might substitute personal goals for what should be shared organizational goals. they might construct an organizational vision that is essentially a monument to themselves and therefore something quite different from the actual wishes of their organizations or customers. moreover, the blind drive to create this very personal vision could result in an inability to see problems and opportunities in the environment. thomas edison, for example, so passionately believed in the future of direct electrical current (dc) for urban power grids that he failed to see the more rapid acceptance of alternating power (ac) systems by americas  
  then-emerging utility companies. thus the company started by edison to produce dc power stations was soon doomed to failure. he became so enamoured of his own ideas that he failed to see competing and, ultimately, more successful ideas. in addition, such personal visions encourage the leader to expend enormous amounts of energy, passion, and resources on getting them off the ground. the higher their commitment, the less willing they are to see the viability of competing approaches. because of the leader’s commitment, the organization’s investment is also likely to be far greater in such cases. failure therefore will have more serious consequences. fundamental errors in the leader’s perceptions can also lead to a failed vision. common problems include (1) an inability to detect important changes in markets (e.g., competitive, technological, or consumer needs); (2) a failure to accurately assessand obtain the necessary resources for the vision’s accomplishment; and (3) a misreading or exaggerated sense of the needs of markets or constituents. for example, with a few exceptions like the chrysler minivan, lee iacocca inaccurately believed that automobile style rather than engineering was the primary concern of automotive buyers. at chrysler, he relied on new body styles and his charisma to market cars built on an aging chassis (the k car) developed in the late 1970s. the end result was that, after several initial years of successful sales, chrysler’s sales plunged 22.8% in 1987. today, the future of chrysler looks equally cloudy. ultimately, then, the success of a leader’s strategic vision depends on a realistic assessment of both the opportunities and the constraints in the organization’s environment and a sensitivity to constituents’needs. if the leader loses sight of reality or loses touch with constituents, the vision becomes a liability. visions may fail for a wide variety of reasons; exhibit 1 outlines some of the more significant ones. we will examine several of these categories and illustrate them with the experiences of some prominent business leaders.  exhibit 1 the sources  of failed  vision  the vision reflects the internal needs of leaders rather than those of the market or constituents. the resources needed to achieve vision have been seriously miscalculated. an unrealistic assessmentor distorted perception of market and constituent needs holds sway. a failure to recognize environmental changesprevents redirection of the vision.  making the leader’s personal needs paramount as mentioned, one of the most serious liabilities of a visionary leader occurs when he or she projects purely personal needs and beliefs onto those of constituents. a common example is the inventor with a pet idea who acquires sufficient resources to initiate a venture that fails to meet the market’s needs. when a leader’s needs and wishes diverge from those of constituents, the consequences can be quite costly. consider, for example, edwin land, inventor of the polaroid camera. dr. land’s experiences with a camera he developed called the sx-70 illustrate how a leader can get sidetracked by his own personal goals. as we know, land’s company, polaroid, held a monopoly on the instant photography market for some three decades and became the household word for such cameras. throughout the 1960s and 197os, polaroid’s sales climbed with astonishing speed. by 1973, four million of the company’s colorpack cameras were being sold annually at 30 a piece. but dr. land was not content. his dream was to create what he called “absolute one-step photography”; the sx-70 camera was to embody his dream. “photography will never be the same . . . with the gargantuan effort of bringing sx-70 into being, the company has come fully of age,” land remarked on the day of the camera’s inauguration. in setting the parameters for his new vision, land outlined several demanding criteria: the camera was to be totally automatic and would have to fold to fit into a purse or pocket,  
  jay a. conger  is associate professor of organizational behavior at the faculty of management, mcgill university in montreal, canada. he received his d.b.a. degree from the harvard business school, his m.b.a. degree from the university of virginia, and a b.a. degree in anthropology from dartmouth college. as the director of international marketing for a high-technology company, he also has experience as a practicing manager. professor conger’s research centers  l  46  on executive leadership, the management of organizational change, and the training and development of leaders. his work on these subjects has been published in numerous book chapters and journals such as the academy of management review and the academy of management executive. his most recent books include the charismatic leader (jossey-bass, 1989) and charismatic leadership, coauthored with r. n. kanungo (josseybass, 1988). he has served as a consultant on executive development and organizational change to a wide variety of u.s. and canadian companies.  possessa single-lens reflex-viewing system, and focus from less than a foot to infinity. it was to be a radically new design, making earlier versions of instant photography obsolete. the sx-70 also represented a major strategic shift for the company. before its advent, the manufacturing of polaroid products, especially films, was subcontracted to outsiders. plant and equipment were usually leased or rented. but lands dream of the sx-70 required total integration of the company. a colornegative and camera-assembly plant were de-  signed and built, and the company’s existing chemical production and films-packaging facilities were expanded. although the total cost of the sx-70 strategy was never formally disclosed, land responded in an interview that it was a halfbillion-dollar investment. other estimates have put it higher. in any case, the sx-70 was a design masterpiece. it was estimated that the reflex-viewing system cost millions of dollars and required more than two-and-a-half years of engineering effort. engineering for the eyepiece alone cost 2 million. lands expectations of the camera’s successwere as lavish as his investment in the camera. at 180 per camera, company projections were that first-year sales would reach several million. by some accounts, sales of 5,000,ooo units were predicted. yet despite such optimism, the camera met with only limited public support. by the end of its first year in1973, only 470,000 sx-70 cameras had been sold. it would take several years, many design changes, and significant price cuts before the camera would gain widespread market acceptance all at the cost of sacrificing many of the camera’s original features. lands personal vision of the instant camera had missed what the market wanted. most important, in his quest for the perfect instant camera he had failed to take into account lessons that his company had already learned about consumers’ needs. before the sx70, polaroids experience with both its blackand-white and its color cameras was that demand was intimately tied to price. consumers wanted an inexpensive, easy-to-use, instant camera. their foremost desire was not a perfect picture but a relatively good instant picture at a low price. in the 196os, the marketplace had powerfully demonstrated its needs to polaroid after the company first introduced its color system in 1963. when the colorpack cameras priced at 100 met with only limited market interest, polaroid introduced a version at 75 and, by 1969, a 30 colorpack. at the 30 price level, volume dramatically expanded, and 4,000,ooo  
  units were sold by 1973. consumers wanted instant photography but only at an inexpensive price. so how could 5,000,ooo sx-70s at  180 a piece be sold when only 4,000,ooo colorpack cameras had been sold at 30 each? clearly they could not. dr. lands vision was a personal ideal, one that was not shared by consumers at a price of 180 per camera. what happened to land that he failed to learn from the past? there are several possible explanations. for one, his initial vision of instant photography had been correct; people really did want instant photographs. this initial success,however, may have convinced him of the invincibility of his ideas. second, land was an engineer at heart; he loved the technology more than the marketing of the product. his very background made him product- and technology-driven, not so much marketplacedriven. finally and most important, i believe that land, like other leaders, came to identify with his vision to an unhealthy extreme: the vision personified him. a similar example is seen in henry ford, who was willing to build a model t of any color as long as it was black. the vision in essence becomes so much a part of the leader’s personality that he or she is unwilling or unable to consider information to the contrary from staff members or from the marketplace. convinced by past successes of their invincibility, such leaders plow ahead without considering other viewpoints -a sure course toward failure.  becoming a “pyrrhic victor” in the quest to achieve a vision, a leader may be so driven as to ignore the costly implications of his strategic aims. ambition and the miscalculation of necessary resources can lead to a “pyrrhic victory” for the leader. the term “pyrrhic victory” comes from an incident in ancient greece: pyrrhus, the king of epirus, sustained such heavy losses in defeating the romans that despite his numerous victories over them, his entire empire was ultimately  undermined. thus the costs of a “pyrrhic” victory deplete the resources that are needed for future success. in this scenario, the leader is usually driven by a desire to expand or accelerate the realization of his vision. the initial vision appears correct, and early successesessentially delude or weaken the leader’s ability to realistically assesshis resources and marketplace realities. the costs that must be paid for acquisitions or market share ultimately become unsustainable and threaten the long term viability of the leader’s organization. robert campeau is the quintessential pyrrhic victor. after amassing a fortune as a real estate developer, he proceeded to expand his empire into retailing with a series of purchases in the mid-1980s totalling 13.4 billion. he did this despite the fact that he knew little about the business of retailing itself. his celebrated purchase of the allied and federated department stores alone cost him some 400 million in bankers’ and lawyers’ fees and added 11.7 billion of debt to the campeau corporation. they also transformed him overnight into the most powerful retailer in the world. the price of course was an enormous amount of debt much of it in the form of high-interest junk bonds that would soon demand most of the company’s operating cash to service. when asked how he planned to successfully integrate and enhance the profitability of these new and unrelated acquisitions, campeau explained that it was only a matter of consolidating various operations, selling off assets to pay off company debt, and motivating management by giving them stock options. with an air of great confidence, he commented: “i own the best department stores in the world, and they will be damned profitable. “ he also envisioned enormous potential for synergy between his retailing and real estate operations. his plans included the building of some 50 u.s. shopping malls anchored by his newly acquired retail stores. these projects, which included 17 new bloomingdale’s stores, were estimated at a cost of 1.5 billion. in comments to the press, he stated: “most retail managements  47  
  48  don’t know much about real estate and finance . * . [but] real estate is the gravy on top of these great retailing deals.” for campeau, his newly acquired stores sat on prime land - ripe for future deals. it was an intriguing and untried dream. ironically, these bold strategic moves were all made during a salesslowdown in the department store industry and in a country glutted with shopping malls. as well, the two chains he had acquired were prestigious but also notoriously inefficient. none of these factors seemed to impede campeau, who was intent on building an empire. despite his rosy projections for the future, campeau’s kingdom quickly unraveled within a few years. after struggling to meet a crushing debt load, campeau’s retail operations ran out of operating cash in august 1989. by january 1990 his company stood on the edge of bankruptcy, and so did campeau himself. the projections of great profitability for the retail operations had never materialized. new and last-minute junk-bond financing to keep the company alive came at a dear price, with interest rates as high as 17.75%. but this would not save the company as soaring debt-servicing costs forced campeau to sell off company stock to others and to default on company loans. even the company’s crown jewelbloomingdale’s-was soon put up for sale. campeau’s own personal fortune of 500 million was said to have all but evaporated by february 1990. campeau’s tragic error in this case was tied as much to blind ambition as it was to poor strategic and financing decision. his history of successesin the real estate field, in combination with an ambitious personality, led this visionary leader to dream of ever-greater expansion, but in new and unfamiliar territories. the idea of an “empire” became more important than the satisfaction of enjoying his present successes. failing to see that he lacked the long-term resources or skills needed to sustain his grand plan, he continued to acquire companies and debt at an alarming rate. then, too, in wishing to maintain an im-  age of self-confidence, he may have denied or minimized the existence of any problems. already an autocratic leader, campeau became even more autocratic. for example, he himself assumed the position of chairman of the board at both federated and allied, a job he had originally and sensibly promised to an executive of a highly successful retail chain. he wanted to run his new and glamorous acquisitions personally. sadly, this scenario is all too typical of the pyrrhic victor whose ambitions stymie his ability to assessgoals and resources realistically. investment bankers and subordinates may further encourage visions of grandeur. as serious problems emerge, their importance is minimized. once a crisis stage is reached, the leader exerts greater personal control and becomes less able to hear the counsel of advisors or staff members who might be helpful. in the worst case, such as campeau’s, the organi.zation’s resources are exhausted and the company fails.  chasing a vision before its time sometimes a leader’s perceptions of the market are so exaggerated or so significantly ahead of their time that the marketplace fails to sustain the leader’s venture. the organization’s resources are mobilized and spent on a mission that ultimately fails to produce the expected results. in this case, the leader is perhaps too visionary or too idealistic. he or she is unable to see that the time is not ripe, so the vision goes on to failure or, at best, a long dormancy. robert lipp, former president of chemical bank, is an example of a visionary charismatic who in one project was essentially too far ahead of his time. he had championed a vision of home banking in the early 1980s. sensing that thepersonal computer was revolutionizing many aspects of everyday life, lipp and others at chemical bank expected personal banking to be the next beneficiary of the personal computer revolution. through a modem, phone line, software supplied by the bank, and  
  a personal computer at home, individuals could instruct their banks to carry out certain transactions, a service fee of 8 to 15 a month was charged for personal users and 20 to 50 a month for small businesses. from the user’s viewpoint, home banking provided convenience in bill paying and ease of access to accounts. while on travel, the user could instruct the system to pay bills on exact due dates. for banks, electronic home banking was  banking led to consumer resistance. first, customers were reluctant to give up the “float” between when they wrote a check and when it was cashed. with home banking, once the computer authorizes a payment, it is immediately debited from the customer’s account. second, some investment- for a computer and a modem-was required on the customer’s part. it is estimated that only 10% of personal computer owners had modems-and the num-  uonce a crisis stage is reached, the leader exerts greaterpersonal control and becomeslessable to bear the counsel of advisors or staff menahers who might be helpful.” very appealing. the printing, processing, and return of some 41 billion checks annually in the united states amounted to 41 billion. this figure represented 20% of the annual revenues of banks belonging to the federal reserve system. home banking offered the possibility of a tremendous reduction in operating costs. in 1983, chemical bank under lipp’s guidance introduced a home banking system called the pronto two with a goal of four million customers within several years. by 1988, however, the total nationwide users of home banking systems had reached only 100,000 people. an article in business week (february 29, 1988) remarked: “when chemical bank unveiled the idea of home banking in 1983, it projected that 10% of its customers would eventually pay bills and make banking transactions from their home computer. talk about misplaced optimism. today, if you’re among those who deal with any bank by personal computer, you’re in a minority of a mere 100,000 people-and that includes a number of small business operators.” only 30 banks were offering the service by 1988, out of a total of 14,000 banks nationwide. what chemical and others later discovered was that several inherent problems with home  ber of personal computers in homes was limited. finally, it was a matter of opinion whether writing a paper check was not just as simple and convenient as paying bills by personal computer. given the costs of such computer systems, it was believed that only by providing a wider range of services, such as home shopping services, would home banking’s appeal increase - and that a period of 10 to 15 years was requ.ired for market acceptance. in lipp’s case, his vision was essentially premature for its market. part of the problem could be attributed to the difficulty of trying to predict a future event for which there is no history. it is extremely difficult to accurately estimate the demand for a particular product or service; the leader is essentially relying on his or her forecast of resources and market trends. the margin for error in these situations is high, and the costs and time horizons for introducing a new product or service are often underestimated. such miscalculations can forestall a vision. two other factors may play important roles. in their own excitement over an idea, leaders may fail to adequately test-market a new product or service or fail to hear naysayers  49  
  or overlook contrary signs from the environment. again, because of successes in other projects (lipp had had several outstanding ones), they may delude themselves into believing they know their markets more accurately than they actually do. or their spellbinding ability to lead may not be backed up by an adequate understanding of marketplace trends.  how leaders come to deny flaws in their visions all three of these cases share certain characteristics that cause leaders to deny the flaws in their visions. often, for example, leaders will perceive that their course of action is producing negative results, yet they persist. why this happens can be explained by a process called “cognitive dissonance,” which prevents the leader from changing his course. simply put, individuals act to keep the commitments they have made because failing to do so would damage their favorable perceptions of themselves. for example, studies have found that executives will sometimes persist in an ineffective course of action simply because they feel they have committed themselves to the decision. this same process, i suspect, occurs with leaders. others in the organization, who tend to become dependent on a visionary leader, may perpetuate the problem through their own actions. they may idealize their leader excessively and thus ignore negative aspects and exaggerate the good qualities. as a result, they may carry out their leader’s orders unquestioningly - and leaders may in certain cases encourage such behavior because of their needs to dominate and be admired. the resulting sense of omnipotence encourages denial of market and organizational realities. the danger is that leaders will surround themselves with uyespeople” and thus fail to receive information that might be important but challenging to the mission. their excessive confidence and the desire for heroic recognition encourages them to undertake large, risky ventures-but because of  exhibit potential  liabilities  communications management  2 in the leader’s and  impression skills  exaggerated self-descriptions. exaggerated claims for the vision. a technique of fulfilling stereotypes and images of uniqueness to manipulate audiences. a habit of gaining commitment by restricting negative information and maximizing positive information. use of anecdotes to distract attention away from negative statistical information. creation of an illusion of control through affirming information and attributing negative outcomes to external causes.  their overreliance on themselves and their cadre of “yes people,” strategic errors go unnoticed. bold but poorly thought-out strategies will be designed and implemented. the leader’s vision, in essense,becomes a vehicle for his or her own needs for attention and visibility. finally, problems with “group-think” can occur where the leader’s advisors delude themselves into agreement with the leader or dominant others. in such a case, decision-making becomes distorted, and a more thorough and objective review of possible alternatives to a problem are all but precluded. this is especially true of groups that are very cohesive, highly committed to their success, under pressure, and possessing favorable opinions of themselves - common characteristics in the organizations of powerful and charismatic leaders. when group-think occurs, the opinions of the leader and advisors with closely allied views come to dominate decision making. doubts that others might have are kept hidden for fear of disapproval. it is more important “to go along to get along” rather than to consider contrary viewpoints. john delorean is an example of a leader who may have purposely created group-think situations. one executive of the delorean motor company, after being dismissed by delorean from the company board, com-  
  mented: “he told me he knew how some of the things the board was doing bothered my conscience. he said he wanted me to keep a clear conscience and not to worry as much as i did, so he had dropped me from the board. . . . . when i told him he couldn’t bear having anyone disagree with him so he had to stack the board his way, john . . , just nodded and said, “that’s right. it’s my company and i’m going to do what i want to do -when you get your own company, you can do the same”’ (hill ievin, grand delusions, viking, 1983, pg. 248).  manipulation through impression management communication skills  and  because some leaders are gifted at communicating, it may be quite easy for them to misuse this ability. for instance, they may present information that makes their visions appear more realistic or more appealing than the visions actually are. they may also use their language skills to screen out problems in the larger environment or to foster an illusion of control when, in reality, things are out of control. exhibit 2 highlights a number of these possible problem areas. while at general motors john delorean was particularly adept at employing skills of articulation and impression management to promote himself. for example, he would often claim responsibility for projects without acknowledging the contributions of others. his aim was simply to manipulate information so that he appeared as the originating genius. in the case of the highly successful pontiac gto, delorean claimed to be the engineer at pontiac who conceived the idea of combining a lighter version of the tempest body with a powerful engine to create the gto. in reality, the idea was suggested by a gm colleague. in current biography, delorean is described as owning “more than 200 patents, including those for the recessed windshield wipers and the overhead-cam engine.” how-  ever, hill levin in his biography of delorean reported that the u.s. patent office listed a total of 52 patents, none for the wipers or for the overhead cam. exaggeration of personal deeds was perhaps delorean’s way of building the legend. what we see with some leaders is that their need for personal recognition and visibility is so high that they feel compelled to distort reality to enhance their own image. when leaders rely greatly on their impression management skills in communicating, they do themselves a disservice. for instance, research in impression management indicates not only that one’s self-descriptions are effective in deceiving an audience, but also that they may deceive the presenter as well. this is especially true when an audience reinforces and approves of the individual’s image. such positive responses encourage leaders to internalize their own self-enhancing descriptions. especially when exaggeration is only moderate, leaders tend to internalize and believe such claims. so delorean may ultimately have come to believe in his own responsibility for the pontiac gtq. considerable research has also been performed on people who are ingratiatorspeople who play to their audiences by telling them what they want to hear. two particular tactics that i suspect charismatic leaders use to ingratiate themselves with their audiences are to (1) fulfill stereotypes and (2) create an image of uniqueness. research shows that if individuals behave in ways that fulfill the positive stereotypes of an audience they are more likely to interact successfully with them. this can be achieved by espousing the beliefs, values, and behaviors associated with the stereotype and appearing as the stereotype is expected to look. for example, delorean supposedly went to great efforts to present the image of a young, highly successful executive with an entrepreneurial spirit. he underwent cosmetic surgery, dieted from 200 pounds to 160, lifted weights, dyed his grey hair black. he flew only first class. when he ate out, he always obtained the best table. to many, his image fulfilled the stereotype of the successful businessman.  51  
  52  delorean used the second tactic-to demonstrate uniqueness-through his unconventional actions while working at general motors and his tales of innovations at the automobile giant. these stories created the image of a highly successful, unique individual excelling in the corporate world. in terms of how or what a leader communicates, according to charles schwenk, there are several tactics that individuals can use to gain commitment from others even when the circumstances are unethical. because our ability to process information is limited, we rely on simple biases to reduce the amount of information needed to make a decision. by playing on these biases, a leader can create or heighten commitment to a course of action. they may manipulate information so as to encourage biases in others that will increase confidence in and commitment to the leader’s strategic choices. for example, leaders can withhold information that is not favorable to a cause and present instead more positive information. or they may relate anecdotes designed to draw attention away from statistical information that reflects negatively on their plans. delorean’s management of investors in his automobile venture offers one example of this process. if investors had looked at history, they would have found that the odds of his succeeding were slim. not since the founding of the four major auto companies had a new automobile company succeeded, and there had been many attempts in the interim. moreover, there was negative statistical information in the company prospectus that might have dissuaded investors. but instead of focusing on such important statistical information, the investors allowed themselves to be swayed by delorean’s personal character and his impressive press coverage while at general motors. could it be that delorean aimed to create a flashy image in the minds of investors in order to draw their attention away from other sources of information? anecdotal information may be used by the leader not only to influence decision makers’  exhibit pcjtential  liabilities  management  3 of a leader’s practices  poor management of people networks, especially superiors and peers. unconventional behavior that alienates. creation of disruptive “in group/out group” rivalries. an autocratic, controlling management style. an informal/impulsive style that is disruptive and dysfunctional. alternation between idealizing and devaluing others, particularly direct reports. creation of excessivedependence in others. failure to manage details and effectively act as an administrator. attention to the superficial. absence from operations. failure to develop successorsof equal ability.  choices, but also to increase their confidence in a choice. the sheer amount of information the leader provides may act to build overconfidence. various studies of decision making indicate that more information apparently permits people to generate more reasons for justifying their decisions and, in turn, increases the confidence of others in the decisions. leaders might also create an illusion of control by selectively providing information that affirms they are in control and attributes failures or problems to external causes. all of these tactics may be used by leaders to mislead their direct reports and their investors.  management practices that become liabilities the managerial practices of leaders also have certain inherent liabilities. some leaders are known for their excessively impulsive, autocratic management style. others become so disruptive through their unconventional behavior that their organizations mobilize against them. moreover, leaders can at times be poor at managing their superiors and peers. in general, some of the very management prac-  
  tices that make leaders unique may also lead to their downfall. leaders’ liabilities fall into several categories: (1) the way they manage relations with important others, (2) their management style with direct reports, and (3) their thoroughness and attention to certain administrative detail. typical problems associated with each of these categories are shown in exhibit 3. we will start with the first category: managing relations with important others.  managing upwards and sideways some leaders-particularly charismatic leaders in large organizations-seem to be very poor at managing upwards and sideways. because they are usually unconventional advocates of radical reform, they may often alienate others in the organization, including their own bosses. the charismatic leader’s unconventional actions may trigger the ire of forces within the organization which then act to immobilize him or her. leaders’ aggressive style may also alienate many potential supporters and ultimately leave them without sufficient political support for their ambitious plans. this problem is common when charismatic leaders are brought in from the outside; their radically different values and approaches may alienate the rest of the organization. this kind of situation occurred at general motors when ross perot was made a board member. once on the board, perot became one of the company’s most outspoken critics. as an entrepreneur, he was quite naturally accustomed to running his own show, and after his company, electronic data systems (eds), merged with gm he insisted that any changes made in eds procedures be cleared through him. his style and outspokenness were so much at odds with the general motors culture that the company offered perot 700 million in stock to step down from the board-an offer he finally accepted. a second problem related to managing relations within large organizations is the ten-  dency of certain leaders to cultivate a feeling of being “special” among members of their operating units. this practice is often accompanied by a corresponding depreciation of other parts of the corporation. in short, the leader creates an “us versus them” attitude. although this heightens the motivation of the leader’s group, it further alienates other groups that may be important for resources or political support. steven jobs did this with the macintosh division at apple computer. even though the company’s apple ii computer provided the profits, jobs consistently downplayed that division’s importance. he essentially divided the company into two rivals. he was fond of telling people in the macintosh division, “this is the cream of apple. this is the future of apple.” he even went so far as telling marketing managers for apple ii that they worked for an outdated, clumsy organization. jobs’s later departure from apple stemmed in part from morale problems he created within the company by using this tactic. in another case, the charismatic president of a division in a large corporation used as his group’s emblem a mascot symbol of the tv cartoon character roadrunner. (in the cartoons, roadrunner was particularly adept at outwitting a wily coyote.) to him, his division managers were the “roadrunners” who were smarter and faster than the corporate “coyotes” who laid roadblocks in their path. he also had a habit of ignoring corporate staff requests for reports or information, and he returned their reports with “stupid idea” stamped on the front cover. although such behaviors and tactics fostered a sense of camaraderie and aggressiveness within the charismatic leader’s division, they were ultimately detrimental both to the leader and to, the organization. in this case, the executive eventually stepped down from the organization.  relationships with subordinates highly directive and visionary leaders are often described as autocratic. jobs, for exam-  53  
  54  ple, has been described as dictatorial. i suspect that in many cases the vision is such a personification of the leader that he or she becomes obsessed about its perfection or implementation. leaders’ natural impatience with the pace of the vision’s achievement exacerbates the problem and encourages them to be more hands-on, more controlling. there also appears to be, at times, an impulsive dynamic at work in the way leaders manage - and at such times they will override subordinates’ suggestions or insights. again, this occurs especially in relation to accomplishing the vision. delorean is described as increasing his production of the delorean car by 50% in the belief that his product would become an overnight sensation. production went to an annual rate of 30,000 cars. this was done in spite of market research that showed total annual sales of between 4,000 and 10,000 cars. a company executive lamented, “our figures showed that this was a viable company with half the production. if the extravagence had been cut out of new york, we could have broken even making just 6,000 cars a year. but that wasn’t fast enough for john. first he had to build his paper empire in the stock market. a creditable success was not enough for him” (ibid., pg. 282). steven jobs is known to have darted in and out of operations causing havoc: “he would leap-frog back and forth among various projects, dictating designs, with little or no knowledge of whether or not the technology even existed to make his ideas work” (l. butcher, accidental millionaire, paragon house, 1988, pp. 140-141). another potential problem can arise from a style of informality when managing the hierarchy of an organization-this is especially true of charismatic leaders. advantages of this style are that leaders are highly visible, approachable, and able to react quickly to issues and problems. the drawback is that they often violate the chain of command by going around direct reports and thus undercut their direct reports’ authority. if a particular project or idea interests them, they do not hesitate  to become involved, sometimes to the detriment of the project managers’responsibilities. delorean would drop in on his engineers to suggest what seemed trivial ideas. one company engineer said: “he came in one day to say we should hook into the cooling system and make a little icebox for a six-pack of beer behind behind the driver’s seat. or, another time, he told us to work on a sixty-watt radio speaker that could be detached and hung outside the car for picnics“ (h. levin, ibid., pg. 267).  administrative  skills  some visionary leaders are so absorbed by the “big picture” that they fail to understand essential details -except for “pet” projects in which they become excessively involved. iaccoca, for instance, turned over most of the dayto-day operations to others as he became increasingly famous. as a result, he lost touch with new model planning. he himself admitted: “if i made one mistake, it was delegating all the product development and not going to a single meeting” (ibid., pg. 267). a delorean executive complained “he [john delorean] just didn’t have time for the details of the project. but attention to detail is everything” (ibid., p. 267). then, too, leaders may get so caught up in corporate stardom that they become absentee leaders. again, iaccoca is an example. his successat chrysler led to his becoming a best-selling author, a us. presidential prospect, and the head of the 277 million fund-raising campaign for the statue of liberty-all of which distracted him from the important task of leading chrysler. because these individuals are often excited by ideas, they may at times be poor implementors. once an idea begins to appear as a tangible reality, i suspect they feel the need to move on to the next challenge, thereby leaving subordinates scrambling to pick up the pieces. furthermore, because some leaders have high needs for visibility, they gravitate toward activities that afford them high people contact and recognition. such activities are generally not per-  
  formed at a desk while paying careful attention to the details.  succession problems a true leader is usually a strong figure and, as noted, often one upon whom subordinates develop dependencies. thus it is difficult for others with leadership potential to develop fully in the shadow of such leaders. for while they may actively coach their subordinates, i suspect that it is extremely difficult for them to develop others to be leaders of eqllalpower. leaders simply enjoy the limelight too much to share it, so when they ultimately depart, a leadership vacuum is created. moreover, under charismatic leadership authority may be highly centralized around the leader-and this is an ar-  selected for an in-depth look at the psychological dynamics of the dark side of leaders, we recommend the neurotic organization (jossey-bass, 1984) by manfred kets de vries and danny miller and “personality, culture, and organization” (the academy of management review, april 1986), also by manfred kets de vries and danny miller. works that provide an informative treatment on the topic of impression management include the presentation of self in everyday life (doubledayanchor, 1959) by erving goffman and impression management (brooks/cole, 1980) by b.r. schlenker. books and articles that deal more systematically with the issue of rommitment to a course of action as well as communicating information are a tkeory of cognitive dissonance (row, peterson, 1957) by l. festinger; charles r. schwenk’s “information, cognitive bias, and commitment to a course of action” (the academy of management review, april 1986); barry staw’s “knee deep in the big muddy: a study of escalating commitment to a chosen course of action” (organizational behavior and human performance, june 1976); and “the escalation of commitment to a course of action” (the academy of management review, october 1981). the definitive work on group-think is victims of gvoup think (houghton mifflin, 1972) by i. l. janis. readers wishing more depth on the individual  rangement that, unfortunately, weakens the authority structures that are normally dispersed throughout an organization. it’s clear that many of the qualities of a strong leader have both a positive and a negative face. that’s why the presence of leaders entails risks for their direct reports, their organizations, and at times their societies. they must be managed with care. the negatives, however, must always be weighed in light of the positives. for companies and society, the need for organizational change and strategic vision may be so great that the risks of confrontation, unconventionality, and so on may seem a small price to pay. it is also possible that organizations and educational institutions can train, socialize, and manage future leaders in ways that will minimize their negative qualities.  bibliography case studies of leaders should consult the following sources. for edwin land and the sx-70 camera, see g.w. merry’s polaroid-kodak case study (harvard business school, 1976) and i?c. wensberg’s land’s polaroid (houghton mifflin, 1987). several articles on robert campeau include “buy-out bomb” (wall street journal, jan. 11, 1990), kate ballen’s “campeau is on a shopper’s high” (fortune, aug. 15, 1988), and eric berg’s “is campeau himself bankrupt?” (new york times, feb. 2‘1990). two interesting sources on john delorean are michael daly’s “the real delorean story” (nao york, nov. 8,1982) and hill levins grand delusions (viking press, 1983). accidental millionaire (paragon house, 1988) by lee butcher presents a darker-side view of steven jobs. two articles on the home banking industry and its slow takeoff are efrem sigei’s“is home banking for real?” (datamation, sept. 15, 1986) and laura zinn’s “home banking is here-if you want it” (business week, feb. 29, 1988).  if you wish to make photocopies or obtain reprints of this ot other articles in organizationaj. dynamics, please refer to the special reprint service instructions on page 80.  55  
       


authors_index: tcholakian, lara a. khapova, svetlana n. van de loo, erik lehman, roger
secondary_title_index: frontiers in psychology
abstract_index:
       the number of worldwide traumatic events is significant, yet the literature pays little attention to their implications for leader development. this article calls for a consideration of how collective trauma such as genocide and the holocaust can shape the values of leaders, who are second- and third-generation descendants. drawing on research on the transgenerational transmission of collective trauma and leader values, we show how collective trauma resides in (1) cultural rituals and artifacts, (2) community events and commemorations, and (3) family narratives is transmitted to leader descendants through at least three channels: social learning, social identity, and psychodynamics. we also offer propositions that recommend ways in which the transmission of these repositories can shape certain leader values that guide leader behaviors. our conceptual review suggests
  that the transmission of collective trauma on leader development and leader values remains under-researched, offering prospects for new research and learning on the origins and seeds of leader development.     

title_index:
       collective traumas and the development of leader values: a currently omitted, but increasingly urgent, research area     

full_text_index:
       conceptual analysis published: 03 may 2019 doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01009  collective traumas and the development of leader values: a currently omitted, but increasingly urgent, research area lara a. tcholakian1, svetlana n. khapova1*, erik van de loo2 and roger lehman3 department of management and organization, school of business and economics, vrije universiteit amsterdam, amsterdam, netherlands, 2faculty of organisational behavior, insead asia and europe campus, insead, fontainebleau, france, 3entrepreneurship and family enterprise, insead asia and europe campus, insead, fontainebleau, france 1  edited by: margaret m. hopkins, university of toledo, united states reviewed by: santoshi sengupta, jaypee institute of information technology, india claudia verena peus, technische universitat munchen, germany *correspondence: svetlana n. khapova s.n.khapova@vu.nl specialty section: this article was submitted to organizational psychology, a section of the journal frontiers in psychology received: 06 october 2018 accepted: 16 april 2019 published: 03 may 2019 citation: tcholakian la, khapova sn, van de loo e and lehman r (2019) collective traumas and the development of leader values: a currently omitted, but increasingly urgent, research area. front. psychol. 10:1009. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01009  frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  the number of worldwide traumatic events is significant, yet the literature pays little attention to their implications for leader development. this article calls for a consideration of how collective trauma such as genocide and the holocaust can shape the values of leaders, who are second- and third-generation descendants. drawing on research on the transgenerational transmission of collective trauma and leader values, we show how collective trauma resides in (1) cultural rituals and artifacts, (2) community events and commemorations, and (3) family narratives is transmitted to leader descendants through at least three channels: social learning, social identity, and psychodynamics. we also offer propositions that recommend ways in which the transmission of these repositories can shape certain leader values that guide leader behaviors. our conceptual review suggests that the transmission of collective trauma on leader development and leader values remains under-researched, offering prospects for new research and learning on the origins and seeds of leader development. keywords: transmission of collective trauma, collective trauma, leader development, leader values, leader behavior  introduction the influence of social context on leader development has been an important topic in leadership development literature. while much has been said about how family, social environment, education, and cultural background inject values and aspire leaders to behave (house et al., 2002; shamir et al., 2005; day et al., 2014; mumford et al., 2015; nguyen et al., 2018), one topic that remains persistently omitted is the effects of collective traumas on leader development. we believe that this topic is increasingly relevant, considering the great diversity of leaders that lead organizations today. research in psychology and cognitive psychology shows that traumas experienced by individuals in their childhood become part of who they are as adults (danieli, 1998; kidron, 2004; philippe et al., 2011; ogle et al., 2013). for example, several studies have examined how exposure to trauma experienced during childhood (including exposure to stories of collective torture and murder) reveals positive or negative consequences in individuals’ transitions to adulthood (yehuda et al., 1998; ogle et al., 2013). 1  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  in the leadership literature, there is also evidence that social and situational backgrounds can influence a leader (brown and trevino, 2006). research has shown that leaders associated with a collective trauma carry a set of life stories that stimulate their values and convictions (avolio and gardner, 2005; shamir and eilam, 2005). these values are relevant when leaders bring them to the decision-making table. how these values emerge or how they are transmitted by collective trauma is a major way to substantiate leaders. however, to our knowledge, hardly any research exists that makes a connection between transmitted collective traumas and consequent leadership. in this article, we aim to contribute to fill this research and conceptual gap and offer a theoretical framework regarding the consequences of collective trauma transmission for leader values. we draw on the case of the transmission of genocide as a collective trauma to develop our propositions. several genocides have occurred over the course of history, and individuals today continue to remember or hear stories about how their collective group was subject to atrocities. these stories influence how the family or community commemorates or remembers these collective traumas, and we seek to answer how the transmission of collective trauma shapes leader values and behaviors. our article makes three contributions. first, to understand the transmission process and its role in the development of leader values, we start by exploring how the memories of collective trauma reside in cultural artifacts or rituals, communities, and family narratives (danieli, 1998; rousseau and drapeau, 1998). second, from these collective repositories, we identify how collective trauma is transmitted through three channels: social learning, social identity, and psychodynamics. social learning theory connects human behavior with the influences of the environment and role models (bandura et al., 1961) as learned by the collective through national artifacts or rituals. the transmission process may also occur through community involvement related to commemorations or events that keep alive the memory of the collective trauma. social identity theory creates a bridge between the collective and the members of the community through a connection to the values of the community members, i.e., through the “social categorizations” with which community members identify themselves (e.g., ethnicity and religion) (tajfel and turner, 1979; turner and mavin, 2008). finally, the process of transmission connects the community with the family through narratives and stories. psychodynamic theory helps us understand the conscious and unconscious dynamics behind behaviors stemming from the origin of the family and its relevant collective trauma life stories that are told or felt, during the formative years of the descendant (zaleznik, 1963; kets de vries et al., 2013). children raised in a family that has survived a collective trauma will identify themselves with the experiences, identities, and behaviors of their family’s collective trauma and glory (volkan, 2009). even if descendants have not physically witnessed collective atrocities such as genocide, for instance, they can still be affected by the stories or memories shared by their caregivers and social groups. based on these identified transmission channels, we develop a model (figure 1) that frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  figure 1 the theoretical framework on the transmission of collective trauma on leader values.  proposes how the transmission of collective trauma develops or shapes leader values and proposes five types of values as listed below. the third contribution and overall goal of this article offers propositions grounded in the three theories identified above to shed new light on the consequences of the transmission of collective trauma on the development of leader values and to help outline new directions for future research on leader development (focus on the individual) and eventually leadership development (focus on organizational leadership capacity and relations) as these theories become increasingly important in global, diverse organizations. our article is structured to assess primarily the constructs relevant to collective trauma and leader values. we then offer three types of collective trauma repositories that are vivid in the memory of descendants and suggest the channels through which these repositories are processed or transmitted. we finally propose a model that explains how the transmission of collective trauma repositories can shape certain leader values as proposed by our research: resilience, forgiveness, empathy, justice, and perseverance.  collective trauma and leader values leader values and behaviors can lead to important organizational failures and successes. consequently, it is important to understand the background of individual leaders to make sense of their relevant emergent behaviors as leaders. collective trauma helps us understand the possible antecedents that can shape leader development, namely, as relevant to values. although not all leaders have a history of collective trauma, the number of individuals who do have such a history remains significant (e.g., native americans; victims of the armenian genocide; victims of the holocaust; victims of genocides in cambodia, rwanda, bosnia, and darfur; and even more recently, victims of the syrian civil war). collective trauma (or historical trauma) is an emotional and psychological stress that has affected a large group and that moves across generations (brave heart, 2003); it affects members of a group, who have a strong affiliation with the 2  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  collective group’s identity (mangassarian, 2016). the jewish holocaust is the most recognized and researched collective trauma, but there are several others: the armenian genocide (charny and fromer, 1998; kalagian blunt, 2014), the ukrainian genocide (bezo and maggi, 2015), the cambodian genocide (tyner et al., 2012; nou, 2013), and the native american genocide (whitbeck et al., 2004; evans-campbell, 2008). in each case, there has been a process of collective mourning and the development of collective emotions. building on eyerman’s insight into collective memory, which “unifies a group through time and space” (eyerman, 2004, p. 161), various studies have begun to show how cultural practices such as commemorations or narratives about the past help develop emotional and cognitive imprints that are revived or recalled in the individual (eyerman, 2004). collective memory (or repository as the term we use in our research) refers to the individual recollections that are stored from collective representations or shared identities (from traditions, rituals, language, collective events, commemorations, schooling, and narratives) (olick, 1999). collective trauma, an event that may have taken place years ago, or even a century ago, may feel as though it took place only recently and then forms part of the collective identity (volkan, 2001; fromm, 2012). childhood experiences are key ingredients in the development of leaders, and one component relevant to our research relates to the leader’s collective background (popper and amit, 2009). murphy and johnson (2011), in his research on the seeds of leader development, focus on early developmental factors that identify the roots of leadership skills (murphy and johnson, 2011). biographies and life stories have been studied to explain the important role of childhood memories in the development process of leaders (shamir et al., 2005), their values, and their behaviors. a leader’s personal history (such as family influences or early life challenges) and key trigger events (such as dramatic episodes) are antecedents in leadership development (gardner et al., 2005) that enable personal development and that can support the development of certain qualities such as drive and determination (turner and mavin, 2008). leader values and behaviors develop depending on how the individual internalizes or makes meaning of these formative experiences (kayes, 2002; sparrowe, 2005; jefferson et al., 2014). leader values are beliefs that motivate behaviors and decisions. they are developed in a social context through culture, communities, and families. good leaders integrate key values such as honesty, justice, and fairness, which support the process of decision making that have an effect on organizations (russell, 2001). the role of values is essential in the development of leaders and leadership because values injected by caregivers can shape behaviors and attitudes (russell and stone, 2002). family or community experiences related to collective trauma are influential in the development of a leader’s values because they can affect perceptions and behaviors (meglino and ravlin, 1998). according to researchers, exposure to traumatic events or stories of trauma, such as collective trauma, can instill values (peterson and seligman, 2003; park and peterson, 2009). understanding the origin of these values is important when understanding leaders and leadership (avolio and gardner, 2005). frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  narratives or memories relevant to collective traumas are considered as trigger events or stories that are remembered or stored (as repositories) in the memory through family narratives, community events or rituals (kimbles, 2006), as we examine in the next section. a collective trauma, such as genocide or war, that may not have been personally experienced but shared in families or collective groups may not be known to the individual but still have an impact on the self. collective trauma-related memories that may or may not have been spoken by family members may be unconsciously transmitted to the next generation (fewell, 2016).  repositories of collective trauma research in psychology and cognitive psychology suggests that collective trauma resides in three sociocultural repositories: the cultural, communal, and familial. within the context of collective trauma, families and communities can carry and transfer beliefs and values to their offspring that establish inherited memories or, as we identify, repositories (danieli, 1998). cultural structures including family and community (through stories, music, language, memorial events) influence how the collectiveness is stored and copied among descendants (kupelian et al., 1998; rousseau and drapeau, 1998). in this section, we describe three key collective repositories of collective trauma that play a key role in the transmission process to descendants, namely, cultural rituals and artifacts, community events and commemorations, and family narratives.  cultural rituals and artifacts  cultural artifacts and traditional rituals support collective memory and help develop self-identity (assmann and czaplicka, 1995; jacobs, 2011). with the use of artifacts and rituals such as cultural, linguistic, or religious customs, individuals are able to relive the past, connect with the deceased, activate a belonging to a cultural group, and confirm their social identity (beristain et al., 2000; giladi and bell, 2013). artifacts and rituals enable individuals to connect with their historical trauma and their past and help group members sustain a social identity and connection with their culture. these artifacts and rituals give way to associations of feelings (i.e., anger, sadness) connected with the collective trauma. these feelings, in turn, can play a role in the development of the descendant’s identity (hirsch, 2008; sagi-schwartz et al., 2008). social learning (and in some cases social identity) is a mechanism by which cultural rituals or artifacts pertaining to a group are transmitted to the individual. giladi and bell state that rituals and artifacts may promote determination, increased empathy, or the inclination to choose a profession that helps people, resilience, and a deep need to pass on the legacy of the trauma (giladi and bell, 2013). cultural rituals and artifacts intensify the emotions shared by a collective group, giving them a sense of solidarity and an increased validation of their loss. halbwachs (1992) and beristain et al. (2000) deduce that rituals enable individuals to confirm their social identities by reconfirming the emotions that stem from collective  3  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  traumas, thus enhancing self-esteem and social integration (assmann and czaplicka, 1995; hirst and manier, 2008). leaders who are third-generation descendants of collective trauma may not manifest symptoms of pathology, but they may be affected by the trauma that their forefathers and their ethnic group survived through the memories transmitted by cultural, linguistic, or religious mechanisms. the transmission of collective trauma is then processed through artifacts or rituals to communities, and eventually families; these artifacts or rituals help individuals and families maintain a connection with the group or community (bar-on et al., 1998; wiseman et al., 2006). we therefore propose the following:  fomenting a sense of retribution toward the aggressor state (bezo and maggi, 2015). collective memory is relived through commemorations and rituals (halbwachs, 1992), allowing individuals to maintain an identity as part of the group (halbwachs, 1992; assmann and czaplicka, 1995; paez et al., 2015). leaders who are members of a collective group develop their social identities through group membership (schiff et al., 2001; hirst and echterhoff, 2008; ricoeur, 2009; wohl and branscombe, 2009) because communities provide historical images or recollections of the collective trauma. those images or recollections impact community and family dynamics, which then impact the leader as an individual member of that community or family (ross, 2001). we therefore propose the following:  proposition 1. memories and meanings of collective trauma reside in cultural rituals and artifacts.  proposition 2. memories and meanings of collective trauma reside in community events and commemorations.  community events and commemorations  members of a community who share emotions refer to the term collective emotion (barsade, 2002; barsade and gibson, 2012). members of the group experience the same emotions, which also describe the cohesion of that group. research in group processes and interpersonal behavior has shown that simply being a member of a group can cause an individual to experience the effects of group-based emotions (von scheve and ismer, 2013). communities and groups that have endured collective trauma are shaped by their group’s historical stories, cultural events, and memorial ceremonies (schiff et al., 2001). these stories and events develop collective memories (assmann and czaplicka, 1995) to explain the representations and images with which a group associates itself (hirst and manier, 2008; zembylas and bekerman, 2015). these events may not be part of the cultural identity as explained in the previous section but instead may activate a story relevant to the individual’s history. some researchers call this not only collective memory but also cultural memory, as the members of the group collectively feel that their identity and culture have been threatened. this threat leaves a mark on their collective consciousness, which also helps community members develop their collective identity (schiff et al., 2001; wohl et al., 2006; hirst and echterhoff, 2008; ricoeur, 2009; wohl and branscombe, 2009). according to volkan (2001), a community or a group has a “mental representation” of its historical past, and a group that has endured a historical collective trauma shares losses and the emotions of mourning. even if the individuals in that group have their own individual mechanisms of reacting to the collective trauma, they all share the mental representation of the trauma. collective groups hold commemorations and memorials, which reactivate the emotions and anxieties of group members related to their perpetrators. collective trauma, an event that may have taken place years or even a century ago, may feel as though it took place only recently, and this sense of recency also forms part of the group’s collective identity (volkan, 2001; fromm, 2012). communities actively attempt to maintain their culture, language, and religion to ensure that the legacy of their ancestors survives,  frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  family narratives (said and unsaid)  memory transmitted by family members helps orient the individual; it is memory that helps develop the identity of the leader (eyerman, 2004). stories told over time (or the story communicated through silence) are represented, communicated, and expressed through various mechanisms (wohl and branscombe, 2009; vollhardt and bilewicz, 2013) such as through stories told, mournings, traditional songs, and books or movies. the family carries (consciously and unconsciously) the values, myths, and beliefs to the next generation, thus impacting the identity of the descendant. shared images or narratives of a collective traumatic event, such as genocide or war, can be transferred to descendants who, in turn, process this mourning (volkan, 2009). danieli suggests that trauma is transmitted as a family legacy regardless of whether family members talk about the event (danieli, 1998). he identifies several effects or “themes” in second- and thirdgeneration holocaust descendants such as increased responsiveness to, and identification with, the holocaust as experienced by their parents and grandparents. kupelian also examines transgenerational issues among armenian descendants of the 1915 genocide and finds that members of the third generations, who have heard stories from their grandparents about the injustice and how this genocide has yet to be acknowledged by the turkish state, are overwhelmed with pain for the suffering of their forefathers (kupelian et al., 1998; bilali, 2013). many collective trauma survivors have refrained from talking about the events they witnessed during the genocide; they have expressed heavy emotions or sadness that may not even have been verbalized but that were nevertheless explicitly felt by their children (second generation), making the latter sensitive to their parents and their survival stories, told or untold (bar-on et al., 1998; wiseman et al., 2002). even when the family does not communicate about the past, the results of the transmission of trauma can still be evidenced through emotions that are unconsciously displaced to the next generations (dalgaard and montgomery, 2015).  4  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  the leader who is a third- or fourth-generation descendant of collective trauma may not have lived through the trauma directly, but may be able to process emotions that have been transferred to them through the verbal or nonverbal recounting of narratives. this leader is likely to have noticed or felt the pain of their parents and grandparents, whose healing processes may have been ongoing. the values and even behaviors lived by their forefathers are transmitted to these leaders (sanchez-burks and huy, 2009). we therefore propose the following:  toward the end of their lives, when they feel a greater need to communicate and leave their legacy behind (danieli, 1998), and this communication facilitates the identification between grandparents and grandchildren. although prior research suggests that any individual who is a descendant can be affected by trauma, we focus our attention on how leaders may be developed as a result of the transmission process and how this transmission can affect their leadership values and behavior. a process of sensemaking related to a leader’s collective past can help “engage them to understand the ‘why’” of their leadership behavior, and subsequently help “bring meaning to the values and beliefs that underlie their behaviors in organizations” (ostroff et al., 2013, p. 644). to better understand the channels of transmission of collective trauma, we utilize three theories that can help us understand how collective historical trauma can be internalized–social learning, social identity, and psychodynamics–all of which help us understand the conscious and unconscious processes that can shape values of descendants. figure 1 provides a heuristic model to help locate the transmission of collective trauma in a conceptual framework across cultural, community, and family levels of analysis.  proposition 3. memories and meanings of collective trauma reside in family narratives. having identified three nonexhaustive repositories of collective trauma that are capitalized in the acculturation of descendants, even from a young age, in the next section we describe the channels through which these collective trauma repositories are transmitted transgenerationally.  transgenerational transmission of collective trauma  transmission through social learning  according to the psychoanalytical approach of volkan (1998), victims of a large-scale collective trauma undergo several emotional psychodynamic processes, one of which is the transgenerational transmission of trauma. this large-scale trauma affects a group of individuals who share an affiliation (a national, cultural, or religious identity). volkan identifies large-group identity as existing among a large group of people, many of whom may never know each other but most of whom share the same feeling. this “chosen trauma” is a mental reflection of the atrocities that the group’s forefathers endured (volkan, 1998). research on this topic continues to grow and now includes studies of the grandchildren of trauma survivors (third generation) (bar-on et al., 1998; chaitin, 2002; coles, 2011). the process of the transmission of trauma implies that the conscious and/or unconscious effects of trauma are transferred to children of survivors who have not witnessed the trauma. collective trauma, more specifically, is transmitted to descendants through a communication process (through narratives, direct or silent) (bar-on et al., 1998; yehuda et al., 1998; lev-wiesel, 2007). volkan uses the depositing to explain how children are the primary active actors in collecting images and tasks from their environment and making these images and tasks their own. this transmission can affect the development of the child’s identity and thus their behavior (volkan, 2001, 2009). when compared with second-generation survivors, third-generation descendants identify with their grandparents (the trauma survivors) more so than do second generations, although third generations show higher levels of psychological health and happiness (lev-wiesel and amir, 2000; lev-wiesel, 2007). some studies suggest that because grandchildren are more self-secure, they can allow themselves to identify with their grandparents. it has been argued that holocaust survivors are better able to communicate their trauma experiences to their grandchildren  frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  social learning theory (more recently labeled social cognitive theory), as developed by bandura, explains how people learn from each other through observation, imitation, and modeling (bandura, 1969, 1989). according to this theory, observational learning begins during childhood as the child imitates her caregivers (grusec, 1992). based on this childhood learning, the behavior of an eventual leader is processed and impacted (miller and morris, 2016), as the leader learns by copying the values and behaviors of their models. this theory helps shed light on how situational influences such as role models can influence the characteristics of leaders (brown and trevino, 2006). the social learning approach is grounded in the idea that behaviors are developed based on observations made in social contexts. as understood by keller, leaders assume the values that they have observed in family settings and social environments (keller, 2003). as a basis of this theory, we can assume that the emotions and narratives of collective trauma transmitted to children and grandchildren can facilitate the learning of emotions and the development of similar behaviors; eventually, these emotions and narratives should be identifiable in the values of descendants. we propose that through the social learning channel, a collective group’s cultural rituals and artifacts reinforce the social-cultural influence on the members of the group by activating the transmission of the collective trauma through the observance or practice of rituals or use of the collective’s cultural artifacts (beristain et al., 2000; jacobs, 2011). our proposition suggests the following: proposition 4. when it concerns group’s cultural rituals and artifacts, collective traumas are transmitted through a social learning channel.  5  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  transmission through social identity  caregivers may have affected the child’s social development (marquis and tilcsik, 2013). volkan uses psychodynamic theory to assess more closely how a sense of commonality and shared understanding is developed when an individual is part of a large group (national, religious or ethnic) (volkan, 2001). when an individual is part of a large group (national, religious, or ethnic), there is a sense of commonality and shared understanding. numerous studies show how individual responses to trauma result in anxiety and expectations that are passed on from parent to child, affecting the child’s sense of self and identity (bar-on et al., 1998; lev-wiesel, 2007; coles, 2011). to this effect, the leader who is part of an ethnic group that has suffered a collective trauma may have absorbed sensitivities, emotions, and characteristics modeled by their caregivers and resulting from stories told or untold, or traditions carried on, in response to the trauma. we propose that through the psychodynamic channel, leaders who are descendants of a collective trauma absorb the values lived, felt, or told through stories told by their caregivers or collective family members (crawford, 2014). we summarize this in the following proposition:  to understand whether leaders associated with a collective trauma implicitly or explicitly associate themselves with their collective group, we use social identity theory (hogg, 2001) because it helps give meaning to this phenomenon. leaders who are members of a collective or who share a collective historical trauma are presumed to have distinct characteristics that are connected to that group. according to social identity theory, a leader’s membership in a group shapes their attitudes, feelings, and behaviors (ashforth and mael, 1989), and these attributes mirror the group’s essence (van knippenberg and hogg, 2003). according to tajfel and turner (1979), history plays an important role in the development or formation of identity. collective historical narratives, through commemorations and events, help provide a national identity and social cohesion (korostelina, 2015). when leaders identify themselves with a group of people, they associate themselves with the characteristics of that group, and this association reinforces the antecedents of identification (ashforth and mael, 1989). intergroup emotions and behaviors can surface when leaders feel that a salient part of their identity is connected to membership in a group; this feeling leads to group-based emotions even if the individual is not an active member of the group (tajfel and turner, 1979). a leader’s identity with an ethnic group or with a collective history can predict leader values and behaviors (johnson et al., 2012a). we propose that through the social identity channel, community events, or ceremonies that relive or reassert the group’s collective trauma allow descendants to identify themselves with the legacy of that group, which helps sustain and reinforce values and behaviors that reflect their cultural heritage (cox et al., 1991; phinney et al., 2000). therefore, we propose the following:  proposition 6. when it concerns family narratives, collective traumas are transmitted through a psychodynamic channel. drawing on theories such as social learning, social identity, and psychodynamics, we suggest that the transgenerational transmission of collective trauma can take place through three processes: cultural rituals and artifacts, community events, and family narratives. all three of these processes are important mechanisms through which collective traumas are transmitted, influencing who leaders become, and how their cognition and behaviors are shaped. in the next section, we identify several values influenced by collective trauma that can shape leader cognition and behaviors, and which can impact how an organization is led. these are also the values (and possibly behaviors) that must be further researched if we are to understand the implications of the transmission of collective trauma on leader development, namely, leader values.  proposition 5. when it concerns community events or ceremonies, collective traumas are transmitted through a social identity channel.  transmission through psychodynamics  the key foundation of psychodynamic theory is that all humans develop emotional and unconscious processes during childhood, and these processes help in the development of emotions, personalities, and behaviors (mcleod and kettner-polley, 2016). the systems psychodynamic approach, which is linked to psychodynamic theory, explains that a child’s relationship with caregivers and home environments may consciously and unconsciously influence traits and qualities that are developed in their adult life and that are not clearly identified by the child’s consciousness (kets de vries, 2011, 2014). the “inner theatre” is a concept within the psychodynamic approach that explains how the people encountered in childhood influence emotions and experiences in the leader’s later life; these emotions and experiences, in turn, influence behavioral patterns (neumann and hirschhorn, 1999; kets de vries, 2003; kets de vries et al., 2013). psychodynamic theory help us understand that leaders may incorporate behavioral patterns developed through psychological imprints from their early life and that frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  leader values stemming from the transmission of collective trauma leader values can be processed through the information (knowledge) obtained and recalled by childhood experiences (mumford et al., 2015). in our preliminary research on leaders who are descendants of the armenian genocide, we have begun to notice evidence of how this collective trauma may have influenced third-generation leaders to develop values of perseverance, for instance, as a mechanism of resisting the victim mentality. in parallel, we identify research proposing that specific values and characteristics are triggered by the transmission of collective trauma and emerge during challenging incidents (palgi et al., 2015). these values, such as resiliency,  6  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  proposition 7. collective trauma transmission positively influences leaders’ resilience.  have been identified in the grandchildren of collective trauma survivors (kellermann, 2001a,b; scharf, 2007; yehuda et al., 2008; yehuda and bierer, 2009; letzter-pouw et al., 2014). wohl and van bevel substantiate that the psychological well-being of the descendant depends on how she interacts or associates herself with the collective group (wohl and van bavel, 2011). collective trauma is still traumatic for third-generation leaders; however, successful leaders can take rich material from their history and transform it into something positive, productive and results driven, as anticipated by peterson and seligman (2003, 2004). in this section, we identify five values relevant to the transmission of collective trauma to leader descendants: resilience, forgiveness, empathy, justice, and perseverance.  forgiveness  forgiveness (and its opposite, vengefulness) is a highly researched topic. forgiveness is relevant when building professional relationships based on trust, but when leaders have vengeful emotions due to their traumatic past, their ability to exercise authentic or exemplary leadership may be hindered. in attempting to overcome sad or damaging emotions triggered by the trauma experienced by family members, forgiveness helps to restore peace and create a culture of empathy (van dierendonck and patterson, 2015). when third-generation leaders have lived or felt the pain of surviving collective trauma from their parents and grandparents through stories told, memorial events, or cultural rituals, there is a need to feel that forgiveness heals painful memories and lead to inner peace. forgiveness may be an almost impossible action for descendants of collective groups whose trauma has not been acknowledged. the pain that lingers on from the trauma of forefathers–and the lack of acknowledgement of the trauma by the perpetrators–hinders the process of finding peace and cultivates vengefulness (staub et al., 2005), and this can impact how a descendant of collective trauma performs as a leader or executive. this value–forgiveness–draws our attention to differences among leaders. a particular concern highlighted in this article is that a significant body of research on leader forgiveness rests on untested assumptions about the ethical behavior of leaders–assumptions related to different forgiveness behaviors exhibited by leaders. in the authentic transformational leadership and ethical leadership literature, there is evidence that leaders demonstrate values such as forgiveness due to their grounded connection to family and community, and in relation to their cultural beliefs (bass and steidlmeier, 1999; caldwell and dixon, 2009; fry and kriger, 2009). we therefore propose the following:  resilience  resilience is the characteristic that allows individuals to sustain, change, or modify their responses based on stressful events or situations (bonanno, 2004; tugade and fredrickson, 2004). the effect of resilience is a common theme in the literature discussing the children and grandchildren of holocaust survivors (baron et al., 1996), who come from families with more open communication styles and in which the child-parent dynamic is more relaxed. braga et al. demonstrate that national and cultural values and collective connections relevant to the collective trauma lead children and grandchildren of holocaust survivors to develop resilience, particularly when they are faced with the need to defend or safeguard their nation, religion, and/or culture (braga et al., 2012). in other words, trauma-related stories that are told to, or memories felt by, descendants of the collective trauma allow them to attain “inherited lessons” from their families and community members (branscombe et al., 2015). the transgenerational transmission of trauma does not necessarily signify a negative or pathological effect (van ijzendoorn et al., 2003; levav et al., 2007; sagi-schwartz et al., 2008), but it can stimulate resilience and a need to pass on the legacy of the trauma. in other words, even if there is no pathology or negative effect, the trauma is still transmitted. something is passed on to the next generation, and it can be in the form of posttraumatic growth and resilience (giladi and bell, 2013). psychodynamic and social learning theories help us understand that third-generation survivors understand that there is emotional difficulty in addressing a traumatic past. this understanding has made it easier for third generation survivors to accept difficult personalities in the family, helped them appreciate strong family ties, and given them mechanisms with which to handle stressful situations (kellermann, 2008). resilient leaders are considered effective at addressing change and innovation challenges in today’s world (lane et al., 2013; matzenberger, 2013) because they are able to rebound from negative situations and can adapt to changing or stressful demands (tugade and fredrickson, 2004). individual and organizational behavioral perspectives can help explain why leaders are resilient and whether leader resilience is triggered by specific organizational actors or organizational contexts that increase resilience in leaders, who are descendants of collective trauma. we therefore propose the following:  frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  proposition 8. collective trauma transmission positively influences leaders’ forgiveness.  empathy  empathy is the ability to genuinely feel and understand the emotion and experience of another (johnson et al., 2012a). while it may be difficult for victims of collective trauma to be empathetic given the physical, mental, and emotional pain they have endured, descendants of collective trauma may–based on the testimonies or narratives of their victim ancestors–have the capacity to be empathetic to others who have endured similar hardships. in many cases, and when using the social identity lens, empathy is developed when narratives of collective trauma include examples of kindness and goodness perpetuated by out-group members, or members of the persecuting group who helped victims escape the trauma, for instance. scholars have assessed how individual trauma increases empathetic behavior. frazier assesses how exposure to trauma leads to increased spirituality and empathy for others who  7  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  have been in similar situations (frazier et al., 2013). zembylas explains the process of transforming trauma narratives of the past (i.e., told by survivors or descendants of survivors through narratives or commemorative rituals) into values of empathy as a way for victims to come to terms with emotionally painful events (zembylas, 2007). empathetic behaviors are evident when individuals are sensitive to circumstances to which they can relate, such as discrimination or harassment (sosik and megerian, 1999). according to social identity and social learning theories, leaders who have collective identities may feel the need to help members of a group or a collective by ensuring that the group benefits from their leadership role. group or collective empathetic behaviors support leader members of the group to model similar behaviors (johnson et al., 2012a). we therefore propose the following:  survivors, in contrast to their parents, try to ensure that they live successful lives to prove that they have excelled despite their past trauma. according to social learning and psychodynamic theories, third- and fourth-generations, having seen how their parents attempted to rebuild their lives, attempt to help sustain the legacy of their forefathers and safeguard their professional success (bar-on et al., 1998). prior research has identified antecedents and trigger events that can support the individual’s personal growth and development, suggesting that leaders can develop characteristics such as determination or perseverance (avolio and gardner, 2005; shamir and eilam, 2005; turner and mavin, 2008). values of perseverance may be developed due to a sense of purpose and a need to triumph over the pain or failure that an individual has seen through their caregivers (psychodynamically). the leader who has grown up in a family or community setting that has a background of collective trauma may have heard about a father or a grandmother who lost their livelihood and had to work hard to rebuild their life and sustain a cultural or ethnic legacy that was almost lost, which may explain or justify the development of hardworking and self-determined behavior in that leader. in summary, values help provide the leader with a sense of purpose and generate behaviors that are relevant to leadership (meglino and ravlin, 1998; lord and brown, 2001). leaders who have been exposed to family or community-related narratives, events or rituals may have developed values and behaviors that have been transmitted to them by their forefathers who were exposed to a collective trauma such as genocide. further research is required to confirm what is transmitted to leader descendants and how stories, memorials and artifacts may have implicitly or explicitly shaped their values and behaviors. a potential subject for research in organizational theory and leadership theory is to assess how collective trauma helps develop leadership talent that supports organizational performance and impacts organizational behavior (day, 2001; solansky, 2015). we therefore propose the following:  proposition 9. collective trauma transmission positively influences leaders’ empathy.  justice  leaders hold positions from which they exert power in their organizations, and they have the opportunity to establish an environment that is fair and just. because family and collective historical narratives, such as collective trauma, can shape and develop an individual’s identity (social identity), which then provides a clearer sense of self-knowledge and integrity. for individuals who are members of a collective group, collective stories provide the justification to lead with a sense of purpose (shamir et al., 2005). drawing on previous research (avolio et al., 2004; shamir et al., 2005; day and harrison, 2007), we can speculate that collective stories of trauma can both lead to greater self-clarity and purpose and become a source of internal guidance to individuals in their roles as just leaders. when individuals share a collective history or a collective trauma, they can be collectively motivated by a sense of justice that connects them to their memory of their ancestors. a rich sociocultural family or community environment can nourish descendants with the sense of self (sparrowe, 2005) and a connection with a sense of justice as minorities in their adopted countries or communities. leaders whose values have been transmitted by family narratives, community events, or cultural factors may use their collective trauma as a moral compass (schwarz, 2000; turner and mavin, 2008). we therefore propose the following:  proposition 11. collective trauma transmission positively influences leaders’ perseverance.  discussion and future research the purpose of this article was to explore how the transmission of collective trauma shapes leader values. we addressed this by underlining the importance of collective trauma and leader values as constructs. we then identified the collective trauma repositories that are key in the memory of descendants as well as the channels through which these repositories are transmitted. we finally proposed a model (figure 1) that explains how these repositories can shape leader values such as resilience, forgiveness, empathy, justice and perseverance, substantiated with relevant propositions. by drawing on the case of the transmission of genocide as a collective trauma, our article makes three key contributions. first, we provide a deeper understanding of the transmission  proposition 10. collective trauma transmission positively influences leaders’ justice.  perseverance  research on authentic leadership has shown that personal history (family influences, role models, and early life challenges) and trigger events influence leaders (gardner et al., 2005). collective trauma and the narratives heard about that trauma in family and community settings may impel leader descendants to actively demonstrate perseverance. grandchildren of collective trauma  frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  8  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  process and its role in the development of leader values. next, we explore the relevance of three key theories in the transmission process (social learning, social identity, and psychodynamic). finally, we shed new light on the consequences of collective trauma on the development of leaders for future contributions to the studies of leadership, organizational management, and organizational behavior. the role of sociocultural influences on leader development has been important in the leadership development literature. situational influences such as family, education, and the social environment have been assessed to explain why leaders behave the way they do (shamir et al., 2005; day et al., 2014; mumford et al., 2015). various studies have been developed to show that leadership cognition and behavior are not only influenced genetically but also shaped by society and the social context (johnson et al., 2012b; showunmi et al., 2016). there are also numerous studies relevant to how leaders got where they are today as a result of their psychodynamic life patterns (i.e., childhood imprints, sociocultural influences) (van de loo, 2000; de jager et al., 2003; avolio and gardner, 2005; marquis and tilcsik, 2013; liborius, 2014). one topic that remains omitted, however, is the effects of collective traumas on leader development, specifically on leader values and behaviors. the role of values is essential in the development of leaders and leadership because values injected by caregivers and community members can shape behaviors and attitudes (russell and stone, 2002). family community and cultural experiences related to collective trauma are influential in the development of a leader’s values because they can affect perceptions and behaviors (meglino and ravlin, 1998). according to researchers, exposure to traumatic events or stories of trauma, such as collective trauma, can instill values (peterson and seligman, 2003; park and peterson, 2009). there is room for future research to identify what, precisely, is transgenerationally transmitted by collective trauma and how this implicitly shapes descendants who are executives and leaders. it is also essential to identify triggers and stressors that are activated in the development of these leaders’ values. a deeper dive into the process by which collective trauma is transmitted would help us understand how this transmission process affects leaders and whether the values instilled in them as survivors of collective trauma has shaped them in their roles as leaders. one conceptual problem that we have not addressed is the specific delineation between the collective trauma repositories and the relational values that may be activated. how do collective traumas specifically foster resiliency in leaders and how does this influence decision-making, followership and organizational development? an assessment of how leaders who are descendants of collective trauma may be more apt to display resilience and foster confidence among organizational stakeholders is needed (avolio and gardner, 2005; gardner et al., 2005). a leader-follower perspective can be used to examine leader relations and how they affect decision-making. scholars interested in leader traits and behavioral theories may also be interested in assessing–by analyzing leaders at the individual, group and organizational levels–whether leaders frontiers in psychology www.frontiersin.org  who have a connection to a historical collective trauma are more effective. from this perspective, future research could also explore how collective trauma produces ethical behavior in leaders who are descendants and how this can help followers emulate ethical conduct, consistent with social learning and social identity theories (bandura, 1989; trevino et al., 2000; van knippenberg et al., 2004). researchers of intragroup and interpersonal behaviors may be interested in assessing the role of collective trauma as a way of understanding leader justice, as descendants of trauma may be guided by the moral social justice of their in-group community (platow et al., 1997). future research could build on the conceptualization of ethical, authentic or servant leadership to assess how collective trauma can activate leaders’ morality or sense of justice and how this encourages or discourages normative behavior in organizations (gardner et al., 2005; eubanks et al., 2012; mayer et al., 2012). similarly, further studies that examine how and under which circumstances the values and behaviors of leaders are actually developed or executed will enable researchers to develop more accurate expectations about leader behaviors and develop a basis for research measuring the differences between leaders who are descendants of collective trauma compared to those who do not have such a history. for instance, how do leaders with a history of collective trauma enact empathy? how do these leaders recognize and respond to changes in the emotional state of other organizational members (sosik and megerian, 1999)? developing a better sense of how collective traumas influence leaders who are the descendants of such traumas provides a great opportunity to fill a void in our understanding of the role of, and possibilities for, leaders in organizations. such research will bring new breadth to our understanding of organizational behavior and decision-making processes. it will also help open the doors to a greater understanding of leadership development in which leader-follower and collaborative relationships are increasingly required to attain business results and outcomes by strengthening and shaping organizational culture and engagement.  conclusion organizations today are colored by a growing number of diverse leaders who are descendants of ethnic cultures, some of whom have pedigrees of a historical collective trauma. there is little literature that examines the implications of a person’s collective trauma on their leadership values. this article attempted to draw on research on the transgenerational transmission of collective trauma to address the question of how these historical traumas can shape leader values. we explored the sociocultural repositories relevant to collective traumas and the channels by which they link to five nonexhaustive leader values and developed a list of propositions to assess these transmission relationships. we conclude this article with a discussion of how our theoretical insights can guide future research if we are to better understand origins and seeds of leader values.  9  may 2019 volume 10 article 1009  
  tcholakian et al.  collective traumas and leader development  author contributions  phd supervisor, was fully involved in the design, development and completion of the article. el and rl as phd co-supervisors provided intellectual contribution and developed various parts of the article.  lt is the leading author of the article. she conducted this research as a part of her phd research. sk, as the primary  references  caldwell, c., and dixon, r. d. (2009). love, forgiveness, and trust: critical values of the modern leader. j. bus. ethics 93, 91–101. doi: 10.1007/ s10551-009-0184-z chaitin, j. (2002). issues and interpersonal values among three generations in families of holocaust survivors. j. soc. pers. relat. 19, 379–402. doi: 10.1177/0265407502193005 charny, i. w., and fromer, d. (1998). denying the armenian genocide: patterns of thinking as defence-mechanisms. patterns prejudice 32, 39–49. doi: 10.1080/0031322x.1998.9970246 coles, p. 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authors_index: jones, daniel paulhus, delroy
secondary_title_index: assessment
title_index: introducing the short dark triad (sd3): a brief measure of dark personality traits
abstract_index:
       three socially aversive traits—machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy—have been studied as an overlapping constellation known as the dark triad. here, we develop and validate the short dark triad (sd3), a brief proxy measure.
  four studies (total n = 1,063) examined the structure, reliability, and validity of the subscales in both community and student samples. in studies 1 and 2, structural analyses yielded three factors with the final 27 items loading appropriately on their respective factors. study 3 confirmed that the resulting sd3 subscales map well onto the longer standard measures. study 4 validated the sd3 subscales against informant ratings. together, these studies indicate that the sd3 provides efficient, reliable, and valid measures of the dark triad of personalities.     

full_text_index:
       514105  research-article2013  asmxxx10.1177/1073191113514105assessmentjones and paulhus  article  introducing the short dark triad (sd3): a brief measure of dark personality traits  assessment 2014, vol. 21(1) 28 –41  the author(s) 2013 reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalspermissions.nav doi: 10.1177/1073191113514105 asm.sagepub.com  daniel n. jones1 and delroy l. paulhus2  abstract three socially aversive traits—machiavellianism, narcissism, and psychopathy—have been studied as an overlapping constellation known as the dark triad. here, we develop and validate the short dark triad (sd3), a brief proxy measure. four studies (total n 1,063) examined the structure, reliability, and validity of the subscales in both community and student samples. in studies 1 and 2, structural analyses yielded three factors with the final 27 items loading appropriately on their respective factors. study 3 confirmed that the resulting sd3 subscales map well onto the longer standard measures. study 4 validated the sd3 subscales against informant ratings. together, these studies indicate that the sd3 provides efficient, reliable, and valid measures of the dark triad of personalities. keywords subclinical, dark triad, psychopathy, narcissism, machiavellianism despite their distinctive theoretical roots, the literatures on three socially aversive personalities—narcissism, machiavellianism, and psychopathy—have become so expansive that the distinctions have become muddied. as a result, some observers concluded that the three variables are interchangeable in normal samples (e.g., mchoskey, worzel, & syzarto, 1998). disputing that allegation, paulhus and williams (2002) coined the term dark triad to encourage researchers to study the three traits in tandem: only then can their distinctiveness be clarified. if studied alone, any observed correlates may actually reflect overlap with one of the other dark triad members. although research on the triad has continued to expand (for a review, see furnham, richards, & paulhus, 2013), some researchers may have been deterred by the combined length of the available measures. consider the popular questionnaire measures of psychopathy. the widely used self-report psychopathy (srpiii) scale requires 64 items (mahmut, menictas, stevenson, & homewood, 2011; williams, paulhus, & hare, 2007). even longer is the psychopathic personality inventory– revised, which has more than 100 items (lilienfeld & andrews, 1996). abbreviated versions of these two measures have been whittled down to 29 and 56 items, respectively— just to measure psychopathy. the standard measure of machiavellianism (mach-iv; christie & geis, 1970) has 20 items and the most popular measure of narcissism, the narcissistic personality inventory (npi; raskin & hall, 1979) has 40. also available is a validated short version, the npi-16 (ames, rose, & anderson, 2006). given the length of these instruments, it is understandable why some researchers may be reluctant to include all  three traits in a single study. even with the shortest versions of each construct, the total number of items is 65—still taxing when time and space are at a premium. for practical use, a valid and reliable short measure of the dark triad is needed. that need motivated our development of the short dark triad (sd3) scale.  the dirty dozen currently, the only brief measure of the dark triad is the “dirty dozen” (dd) scale (jonason & webster, 2010). unfortunately, it appears to be too short—only four items per construct. as a result, the instrument has been critiqued in several recent reports (lee et al., 2013; miller et al., 2012; rauthmann, 2013). at a minimum, short measures should line up with the gold standard measures (see crede, harms, niehorster, & gaye-valentine, 2012; hubley & zumbo, 1996). to date, research on the dd indicates only a weak correspondence (jonason & webster, 2010). according to miller et al. (2012), the reason may be that shortening the dd subscales required removal of some essential content.  1  university of texas at el paso, el paso, tx, usa university of british columbia, vancouver, british columbia, canada  2  corresponding author: delroy l. paulhus, department of psychology, university of british columbia, 2136 west mall, vancouver, british columbia, v6t 1z4, canada. email: dpaulhus@psych.ubc.ca  
  jones and paulhus the dd cannot be faulted for the reliabilities of its subscales—they are all respectable. however, high reliabilities for four-item measures can only be achieved via repetitive wording of narrow content (crede et al., 2012; john & seto, 2007). even more damaging is the fact that crosscorrelations are often stronger than convergent correlations with the corresponding gold standard measures (jonason & webster, 2010; rauthmann, 2013). finally, the dd mach scale showed strong positive correlations with measures of short-term orientation (jonason & tost, 2010). unfortunately the finding that machiavellians are impulsive is inconsistent with the original conception (jones & paulhus, 2009). as far as we know, only one published report has directly compared the sd3 to the dd (lee et al., 2013). the authors concluded that the sd3 adequately captures the nuances of each construct whereas the dd taps only limited elements. in sum, the empirical literature does not favor use of the dd. nonetheless, as the only competitor for the sd3, the dd was included in the present research for in-depth comparisons at both the conceptual and empirical levels.  distinct theoretical roots item generation for the sd3 began by consulting a recent review of the seminal sources for each construct (see, jones & paulhus, 2011b). our assumption was that clarification of the classic conceptions would permit operationalization of the three constructs without building in redundancy or forcing independence. in sum, we sought to develop subscales that were loyal to their theoretical roots and then evaluate their empirical associations. machiavellianism. in introducing the concept into the personality literature, christie and geis (1970) were primarily influenced by the political strategist, niccolo machiavelli (1513/1981). as a result, the popular mach-iv items include cynical worldview, lack of morality, and manipulativeness (see, review by fehr, samsom, & paulhus, 1992). the more recent review by jones and paulhus (2009) also drew attention to a neglected predecessor, namely, the first-century military strategist, sun tzu (shibing & duyvendak, 1998). along with themes similar to machiavelli’s, sun tzu added planning, coalition formation, and reputation building. the latter qualities turn out to be important in distinguishing psychopathy from machiavellianism. whereas psychopaths act impulsively, abandon friends, and family, and pay little attention to their reputations (hare & neumann, 2008), machiavellians plan ahead, build alliances, and do their best to maintain a positive reputation. when overlap is controlled, research has supported these assertions: machiavellians are strategic rather than impulsive (jones & paulhus, 2011a). they avoid manipulating family members (barber, 1998), and any other behavioral tactics that might harm their reputation, for example,  29 feigning weakness (shepperd & socherman, 1997). in sum, the key elements of machiavellianism appear to be (a) manipulativeness, (b) callous affect, and (c) a strategic-calculating orientation. this last element is often overlooked by researchers. psychopathy. seminal researchers (cleckley, 1941/1976; hare, 1970; lykken, 1995) have pointed to two key elements of psychopathy—deficits in affect (i.e., callousness) and self-control (i.e., impulsivity). the self-control deficit has remained central to criminal (hare & neumann, 2008; hicks et al., 2007) as well as noncriminal conceptions of psychopathy (hall & benning, 2006; lebreton, binning, & adorno, 2006). consequently, psychopaths manifest their callousness in a short-term fashion (jones & paulhus, 2011a; visser, bay, cook, & myburgh, 2012). for example, they lie for immediate rewards, even if those lies compromise their long-term interests1 (paulhus & jones, 2012). thus callous manipulation combines with other short-term traits (i.e., recklessness, and thrill seeking) to engender bold and relentless criminal behavior (hare & neumann, 2008). the element of impulsivity is key in distinguishing psychopathy from machiavellianism and influenced our item selection for the sd3. our emphasis on impulsivity renders our conception closer to secondary than to primary psychopathy (hicks et al., 2007; newman, mccoon, vaughn, & sadeh, 2005). narcissism. as the seminal sources for their review, jones and paulhus (2011b) drew on kernberg (1975) and kohut (1978). both those sources argued that narcissistic behavior was marked by manipulation and callousness, much like machiavellianism and psychopathy. intrapsychically, however, narcissism was defined by a clash between a grandiose identity and underlying insecurity. this malignant version remains the concern for clinicians dealing with pathological cases of narcissism (see, morey et al., 2011; pincus et al., 2009). the advent of the npi (raskin & hall, 1979) directed the research energy toward subclinical narcissism (e.g., emmons, 1987). when compared with other measures, the key element in the npi appears to be grandiosity (miller & campbell, 2008). in two-factor solutions, one is variously labeled (self-attributed) leadership or authority, and the other entitlement (kubarych, deary, & austin, 2004). although grandiosity can certainly be maladaptive (morf & rhodewalt, 2001), there is little support for the role of inner insecurity as the driving force (campbell & foster, 2007). to reify that distinction, pincus, wright, and their colleagues have developed an instrument that separates grandiose from vulnerable narcissism (pincus et al., 2009; wright, lukowitsky, pincus, & conroy, 2010). other than insecurity, the clinical manifestations are also evident in subclinical narcissism. for example, grandiosity  
  30 leads narcissistic individuals on a never-ending quest for ego-reinforcement (morf & rhodewalt, 2001), often resulting in self-destructive behaviors (vazire & funder, 2006). rather than deliberate, the cognitive processes of narcissists are more self-deceptive: they seem to believe their boasts even when it can be verified that they exaggerate their competence (paulhus & williams, 2002). narcissistic grandiosity also promotes a sense of entitlement (bushman, bonacci, van dijk, & baumeister, 2003), even aggression, if that grandiosity is threatened (bushman & baumeister, 1998; jones & paulhus, 2010). in contrast, the notion of narcissistic self-hate has little support (campbell & foster, 2007). it is this grandiose variant of narcissism that is represented in the dark triad. whereas ego-reinforcement is the all-consuming motive behind narcissistic behavior, psychopaths and machiavellians are more motivated by instrumental or material gain. of course, the goals of the different dark triad members may sometimes align, thereby precipitating similar behavior. the reason, we argue, is that they share a common callousness that encourages interpersonal manipulation (jones & figueredo, 2012; wai & tiliopoulos, 2012). thus, similar instances of callous manipulation would be evident in all three dark triad traits.2 in other cases, the three traits exhibit unique behavior: ego-promoting outcomes will be best predicted by narcissism, those involving reckless antisocial behavior will be best predicted by psychopathy, and outcomes predicted by a strategic orientation will be best predicted by machiavellianism. in sum, jones and paulhus (2011b) concluded the following: (a) ego-identity goals drive narcissistic behavior, whereas instrumental goals drive machiavellian and psychopathic behavior (b) machiavellianism differs from psychopathy with respect to temporal focus, (c) all three have a callous core that encourages interpersonal manipulation. it was with these guiding principles that we selected items for the new instrument.  overview of the present studies although the process of establishing construct validity is never finalized (furr & bacharach, 2008; messick, 1995), several steps are considered essential. in this preliminary report, we focus on structure, reliability, and concurrent validity to build the sd3 instrument. guided by the jones and paulhus (2011b) review of the seminal literatures, we assembled a large item pool to ensure coverage of the key aspects of each concept. item refinement and structural analyses finally winnowed this item set down to the final set of 27 items. we then advanced the construct validity of the final instrument by demonstrating that the subscales possessed acceptable internal consistencies and concurrent validities with established measures.  assessment 21(1) we went on to show coherent patterns of convergent and discriminant relations with other relevant variables. finally, we confirmed that informant perceptions corroborate the self-reports. the final instrument was labeled the short dark triad or sd3.  study 1: item selection and reduction we began with a pool of items designed to circumscribe the classic conceptions of the dark triad constructs. in particular, we ensured that subclinical psychopathy was represented by items tapping impulsivity, callous manipulation, and antisocial behavior. machiavellian facets included cynicism and manipulation tactics. for subclinical narcissism, we included items tapping self-centeredness and grandiosity: instead of the forced choice format of the npi, only rating items were used (see, emmons, 1987). recall that our goal was twofold: (a) to reduce the number of items as much as possible and (b) to retain the conceptual facets of each triad member. therefore, the process was a delicate combination of rational and empirical steps. the result was a 27-item instrument.  method participants. participants consisted of 489 adults recruited from amazon’s mechanical turk (mturk). country of origin was restricted to canada and the united states. ethnicities: 67% european heritage, 11% south asian, 4% african heritage, 5% east asian, 3% latino(a), 10% other). mean age 30.72 years, sd 11.09 and, 47% were female. they were paid a small fee ( 0.50). to check for random responding, we included two validity check items: “i was born in pago-pago” and “i breathe oxygen every day.” a total of 2% to 4% were caught this way. elimination of these individuals had minimal effect on our results and certainly did not alter our message. a similar procedure was used in all our mturk surveys. mturk has proved to be an invaluable source of data for survey research: the data surpass student samples in diversity and are comparable in quality (buhrmester, kwang, & gosling, 2011; paolacci, chandler, & ipeirotis, 2010). as a result, mturk has now become a popular source of participants for research in sociology, and economics, as well as psychology. procedure. the questionnaire package was placed on the mturk website for 3 weeks and interested participants completed the half-hour task for 50. it began with a series of demographic questions (e.g., gender, age, ethnicity). participants were then asked to rate their agreement with each of the 41 items generated for the sd3 (table 1). the response format was 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree).  
  31  jones and paulhus table 1. the original 41-item set with theoretical origins. machiavellianism items 1. it’s not wise to tell your secrets. 2. most people who get ahead in the world lead clean moral lives. 3. generally speaking, people won’t work hard unless they have to. 4. there’s a sucker born every minute. 5. most people are basically good and kind.* (reversal) 6. it’s better to be totally honest than to be successful. (reversal) 7. whatever it takes, you must get the important people on your side 8. avoid direct conflict with others because they may be useful in the future. 9. it’s wise to keep track of information that you can use against people later. 10. there are things you should hide from other people to preserve your reputation. 11. you should wait for the right time to get back at people. 12. make sure your plans benefit you, not others. 13. most people deserve respect. (reversal) narcissism items 1. people see me as a natural leader. 2. i hate being the center of attention. (reversal) 3. i am an average person. (reversal) 4. i get bored hanging around with ordinary people. 5. many group activities tend to be dull without me. 6. i know that i am special because everyone keeps telling me so. 7. people often think my stories are boring. (reversal) 8. those with talent and good looks should not hide them. 9. i like to get acquainted with important people. 10. i feel embarrassed if someone compliments me. (reversal) 11. i insist on getting the respect that i deserve. 12. i have been compared to famous people. 13. i am likely to show off if i get the chance. psychopathy items 1. i like to get revenge on authorities. 2. i avoid dangerous situations. (reversal) 3. i am a thrill seeker. 4. payback needs to be quick and nasty. 5. people often say i’m out of control. 6. my family is proud of everything i do. (reversal) 7. you have to grab things while the opportunity is there. 8. it’s true that i can be nasty. 9. i get angry if someone turns down having sex with me. 10. i hate movies where they show blood and guts. 11. people who mess with me always regret it. 12. i have never gotten into trouble with the law. (reversal) 13. i’ll say anything to get what i want. 14. i’m always feeling guilty. (reversal) 15. i like to pick on losers.  analyses. our analyses proceeded in four steps. we began by extracting the first unrotated principal component separately for each of the three item-sets (the items assigned to each domains).3 results revealed a total of eight items that failed to load on their first unrotated principal component. next, we conducted an exploratory factor analysis (efa; principal axis factoring extraction) on the remaining 33 items. that procedure resulted in the removal of four  (reputation) (cynicism) (cynicism) (cynicism) (cynicism) (cynicism) (coalition building) (coalition building) (planning) (reputation) (planning) (planning) (cynicism) (leadership) (exhibitionism) (grandiosity) (grandiosity) (grandiosity) (grandiosity) (grandiosity) (exhibitionism) (entitlement) (exhibitionism) (entitlement) (grandiosity) (exhibitionism) (antisocial behavior) (erratic lifestyle) (erratic lifestyle) (callous affect) (erratic lifestyle) (antisocial behavior) (short-term manipulation) (callous affect) (short-term manipulation) (callous affect) (antisocial behavior) (antisocial behavior) (short-term manipulation) (callous affect) (callous affect)  machiavellianism items and one narcissism item that double-loaded with psychopathy. finally, the lowest loading psychopathy item was removed to yield nine items per subscale. given those changes, we then conducted a final pca on the remaining 27 items. results indicated six factors with eigenvalues larger than 1. because the “eigenvalue 1” rule tends to overextract, we conducted two tests: velicer’s map  
  32 criteria (zwick & velicer, 1986) and a parallel analysis (horn, 1965)—the two best methods for determining number of factors (o’connor, 2000). these methods were applied using r, which is capable of handling the polychoric correlation matrix necessary to analyze likert-type data (see, muthen & kaplan, 1985) and can also provide both velicer’s map and parallel analysis results. velicer’s map suggested that three factors be retained; parallel analysis suggested four factors. the four adjusted eigenvalues were: 1.59, 1.32, 1.06, and 1.05; the four unadjusted eigenvalues were 2.04, 1.62, 1.25, and 1.17. guided by velicer’s map results, our three-factor hypothesis was evaluated on the final 27 items. we used the software mplus for this final efa, given its ability to handle polytomous data (muthen & muthen, 1998-2007). our final efa applied mean and variance adjusted weighted least squares extraction and an oblique (promax) rotation. mean and variance adjusted weighted least squares is recommended for analysis of a polychoric correlation matrix (muthen & muthen, 1998-2007). the final efa suggested all items loaded appropriately ( .30) on their corresponding factor. table 2 (first three columns) presents the results of this final efa. subscales. when formed into composites, the three 9-item scales showed the expected positive intercorrelations of moderate size. machiavellianism correlated positively with psychopathy, r .50, and with narcissism, r .18. psychopathy correlated with narcissism at r .34. all three values were significant at p .001. the subscales also showed modest, but acceptable reliabilities (mach α .71, psychopathy α .77, narcissism α .74). item means for each subscale in the final instrument are included in table 3 – as are means from the subsequent studies using the final 27-item version. to investigate possible gender differences, we calculated the values separately for male and female participants. note that males scored higher on all three subscales, with moderate to large effect sizes.  study 2: cross-validation of the sd3 scales because the three composites were assembled from factor analyses, we needed to cross-validate the three-factor structure in a new data set. rather than a traditional confirmatory factor analysis (cfa), our method of choice was exploratory structural equation modeling (esem; asparouhov & muthen, 2009). esem is an elegant method that allows for a guided examination of loading fit, without blinding the researcher to the cross-loadings. in brief, esem involves specifying one or more core items while allowing the remaining item loadings to vary.  assessment 21(1) table 2. efa and esem factor loadings for final 27 items in studies 1 and 2. items  f1 (mach)  f2 f3 f1 (narc) (psych) (mach)  f2 f3 (narc) (psych)  mach1 mach2 mach3 mach4 mach5 mach6 mach7 mach8 mach9 narc1 narc2 narc3 narc4 narc5 narc6 narc7 narc8 narc9 psyc1 psyc2 psyc3 psyc4 psyc5 psyc6 psyc7 psyc8 psyc9  .38 .31 .40 .52 .59 .71 .62 .46 .51  .01 .03 .17 .08  .01 .33  .03 .27  .04 .17 .01 .30  .02 .25 .30 .33  .03 .16   .19  .04  .18 .33 .04 .04  .03 .14  .11 .67 .62 .43 .49 .60 .52 .48 .36 .44  .01 .38  .02 .09  .05 .17 .15  .34 .11   .14  .07 .27 .11 .01 .00†  .05 .05 .06 .59 .56 .44 .50 .46 .31 .35 .28 .26  .09 .23 .02 .00†  .14 .08  .05  .02 .04   .20 .14 .01 .01  .21 .13 .29 .15  .28  .27 .02  .10 .30 .17  .10 .16 .11 .23 .62 .31 .62 .69 .39 .50 .41 .36 .58  .76 .72 .62 .57 .43 .73 .74 .44 .48 .00† .02  .02 .00 .53  .04 .03  .01 .35 .32 .37 .15 .00† .30 .42  .05 .06 .20   .59  .35  .10  .25  .08 .00†  .60  .02  .15 .00† .05 .28 .22  .20 .02 .36 .18  .11 .47 .35 .38 .74 .32 .31 .27 .60 .50  note. efa exploratory factor analysis; esem exploratory structural equation modeling. the anchor items are italicized and marked with a dagger symbol “†”.  the criteria are less stringent than cfa, which is unlikely to result in a fitting model if there is ambiguity in the number of factors to extract (which was the case in study 1). in general, a good cfa fit is unlikely for a multifactor inventory (marsh et al., 2009; mccrae et al., 1996). accordingly, in study 2, we collected a new sample of respondents (n 279) who provided responses to the final 27-item set. then we applied esem to cross-validate the three factors.  method participants were 279 adults recruited from mturk (46% women; mean age 30.7 years, sd 10.9). country of origin was restricted to canada and the united states. ethnicities: 56% european heritage, 6% south asian, 8% african heritage, 4% east asian, 15% latino(a), 11% other mixed ethnicities. participants were offered 50 to  
  33  jones and paulhus table 3. subscale means by gender. men m (sd) study 1 (n 489) psychopathy machiavellianism narcissism study 2 (n 279) psychopathy machiavellianism narcissism study 3 (n 230) psychopathy machiavellianism narcissism srp-iii mach-iv npi  women m (sd)  t  p  d  moderate to high range. table 4 provides the scale alphas and intercorrelations. again, the psychometric properties of the sd3 appear to be robust across samples.  2.26 (0.61) 1.96 (0.57) 5.89 .001 0.52 3.40 (0.55) 3.27 (0.56) 2.39 .005 0.24 2.92 (0.45) 2.78 (0.48) 3.41 .001 0.30  study 3: concurrent validition against standard measures  2.38 (0.63) 2.00 (0.54) 5.43 .001 0.65 3.19 (0.57) 3.03 (0.53) 2.39 .017 0.29 2.96 (0.54) 2.77 (0.59) 2.84 .005 0.34  an essential step in validating a brief proxy is a study that gauges its performance against the gold standard (crede et al., 2012; hubley & zumbo, 1996). accordingly, study 3 included the standard dark triad measures—mach iv, srp-iii, and npi—along with the sd3 subscales.  2.41 (0.63) 2.04 (0.57) 3.12 (0.67) 2.91 (0.53) 2.83 (0.57) 2.64 (0.56) 2.52 (0.42) 2.20 (0.39) 2.96 (0.54) 2.76 (0.46) 0.38 (0.19) 0.30 (0.18)  4.46 .001 2.57 .011 2.45 .015 6.16 .001 2.90 .002 3.18 .004  0.64 0.35 0.34 0.79 0.40 0.43  note. npi narcissistic personality inventory; srp-iii self-report psychopathy; mach-iv measure of machiavellianism. columns 2 and 3 are item means of responses collected in a 5-point item format. all sex differences were significant with p .05, with males scoring higher.  complete the 27-item sd3 as part of a study on peer attitudes.  analyses, results, and discussion we applied mplus software (version 7.1) and followed closely the esem procedure and syntax outlined by asparouhov and muthen (2009). we set the top loading item from study 1 to load exclusively on its respective factor. all other items were allowed to cross-load. we treated the rating data as polytymous using wlsmv as the extraction method, promax as the rotation method, and theta as the parameterization method. table 2 shows the esem loadings (last three columns). the corresponding loadings from study 1 provide a useful comparison. all items loaded (at least .26) on the hypothesized factors. only two items (psychopathy 2 and 6), crossloaded in nontrivial ways: however those cross-loadings did not replicate across samples.4 the overall model fit was good (root mean square error of approximation [rmsea] .04, comparative fit index [cfi] .93, tucker–lewis index [tli] .91) and comparable to previous esem studies (see marsh, hau, & wen, 2004). for comparison, we also conducted a cfa on the present sample. although the fit was not impressive (rmsea .07, cfi .82, tli .80), all items loaded appropriately on their respective factors (i.e., .30). note from table 3 that the sd3 scale means are similar to those in study 1. as before, male respondents scored higher on all three subscales: effect sizes were in the  method participants. participants were 230 adults recruited from mturk (58% female; mean age 28.9 years, sd 10.5). as before, country of origin was restricted to canada and the united states. the ethnic heritage breakdown was as follows: 62% european, 19% east asian, 5% african, 5% latino(a), 3% other). participants completed the survey for a small fee. measures short dark triad (sd3). we used the final 27-item version to assess the dark triad (see the appendix). as before, all items were presented in likert-type format with anchors 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). after recoding the reversals (indicated with “r”), each subscale was formed by averaging the items. alphas ranged from .68 to .74 and the intercorrelations ranged from .22 to .40 (see table 4). dirty dozen. for comparison, we included an alternative short measure of the dark triad, the “dirty dozen” (jonason & webster, 2010). alphas ranged from .73 to .78 and the subscales intercorrelations ranged from .27 to .48. psychopathy. as the standard measure, we used the 64-item self-report psychopathy scale (srp-iii; paulhus, neumann, & hare, in press; williams et al., 2007). the srp items are presented in likert-type format with anchors ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). in addition to a total score (α .92), the srp items were also averaged into four reliable facets: interpersonal manipulation (α .83), callous affect (α .77), erratic lifestyle (α  .79), and antisocial behavior (α .82). the instrument has fared well in psychometric and validity evaluations (mahmut et al., 2011; neal & sellbom, 2012; williams, nathanson, & paulhus, 2010). machiavellianism. to measure machiavellianism, we used the 20-item mach-iv (christie & geis, 1970). alpha of the mach-iv total was excellent (.83), and those of  
  34  assessment 21(1)  table 4. intercorrelations and reliabilities of the short dark triad scales in studies 2 and 3. study 2 (n 279)  machiavellianism psychopathy narcissism  machiavellianism  psychopathy  (α .74) .40 .22  (α .72) .31  study 3 (n 230) narcissism  machiavellianism  psychopathy  narcissism  (α .68)  (α .76) .47 .29  (α .73) .42  (α .78)  note. all intercorrelations were significant at p .01, two-tailed.  table 5. study 3: concurrent validities of sd3 and dd measured against standard measures. sd3 standard measure machiavellianism mach-iv srp-iii npi  .68a (.82) .47a .24a  dd  psychopathy  narcissism  .49b .78b (.92) .49b  .15c .37ae .70c (.87)  machiavellianism  psychopathy  .53b (.67) .57d .23a  .48b .56d (.66) .26a  narcissism .20c .31e .46b (.55)  note. mach-iv christie-geis machiavellianism; npi narcissistic personality inventory; srp-iii self-report psychopathy; dd dirty dozen; sd3 short dark triad. all values greater than .20 are significant at p .01. correlations within rows with different subscripts are significantly different from each other (p .05). all tests are two-tailed. fully disattenuated correlations are on the diagonal, in parentheses.  the facets were acceptable: cynical worldview (.66), and manipulative tactics (.68).  .77 and .80, respectively), and the bc octant also had decent reliability (α .68).  narcissism. as our standard measure of narcissism, we used the 40-item forced-choice npi (raskin & hall, 1979). although undoubtedly the most popular measure of subclinical narcissism, the number of factors continues to be debated. although as many as seven have been postulated, subscales based on fewer factors are more robust (kubarych, deary, & austin, 2004). application of the appropriate tetrachoric correlation matrix to analyze dichotomous items, appear to yield two factors (corry, merritt, mrug, & pamp, 2008). accordingly, we opted for the two facets labeled exploitative/entitlement and leadership/authority by corry and colleagues: in the present data, the subscale αs were .77, and .72, respectively). when combined into a total npi composite, the reliability was even stronger (α .89).  results and discussion  interpersonal circumplex. we used the international personality item pool—interpersonal circumplex (ipip-ipc) to assess the ipc (markey & markey, 2009). this 32-item measure can be broken down into measures of dominance and nurturance (18 items each), or eight octant measures (4 items each). previous research has shown that standard measures of the dark triad fall in the high dominance and low nurturance quadrant (fehr et al., 1992; trapnell & wiggins, 1998).5 in octant terminology, it is bc that should be most closely associated with dark personalities (markey & markey, 2009). in the present sample, the ipip-ipc measures of dominance and nurturance were both reliable (αs  first, we calculated the descriptive statistics for the sd3 scales. they are included in table 3 along with the means for the traditional measures. as usual, the values for males and females indicate moderate to large effect sizes. differences in the correlational patterns were so minimal that we pooled across genders in all analyses. next, we examined the correlations of the brief measures with the standard dark triad measures. note from table 5 that each sd3 subscale correlated .68 or better with its standard counterpart. when disattenuated for measurement error, these correlations ranged from .82 to .92. in sum, all sd3 measures show a clear correspondence with their criterion counterparts. in contrast, the dd subscales showed more modest correlations with standard measures of the dark triad, ranging from .46 to .56. of course, the dd subscales are only fouritems each. recall, however, that those subscales had reasonable internal consistencies (.73 to .78). hence, disattenuation had little effect on the dd correlates. facet representation. we then broke the standard dark triad measures into their respective facets to determine if the sd3 subscales are capturing each measure in a balanced way. we did the same for the subscales of the dd. the mach-iv was partitioned into its two major facets: manipulative tactics and cynical worldview (christie & geis, 1970; fehr et al.,  
  35  jones and paulhus table 6. comparing the sd3 and dd with facets of the standard measures in study 3. sd3  mach-iv facets cynical worldview machiavellian tactics srp facets manipulation callous affect erratic lifestyle antisocial behavior npi facets exploitative/entitlement leadership/authority  dd  machiavellianism  psychopathy  narcissism  machiavellianism  psychopathy  narcissism  .55a** .52a**  .47ac** .33b**  .11b .19c*  .44c** .41b**  .33c** .52a**  .11b .31b**  .57a** .47a** .27a** .13a**  .67b** .63b** .59b** .57b**  .39c** .24c* .34a** .20ac*  .50a** .62b** .33a** .30cd**  .67b** .30c** .32a** .36d**  .35c** .08d .30a** .21ac**  .16a* .15a**  .38b** .49bd**  .60c** .56b**  .11ab .28c**  .15ca* .28c**  .32c** .41d**  note. npi narcissistic personality inventory; dd dirty dozen; sd3 short dark triad. n 230. values within rows with different subscripts are significantly different from each other (p .05). all tests are two-tailed. boldfaced values are those of most theoretical importance. *p .05. **p .01.  1992). similarly, the npi was broken into two facets: exploitative/entitlement and leadership/authority (corry et al., 2008). finally, the srp-iii was broken into its four facets (see mahmut et al., 2011; neal & sellbom, 2012; williams et al., 2007). as can be seen in table 6, each sd3 subscale correlates strongly and comparably with all facets of the scale it was designed to emulate. for example, the correlation between the sd3 machiavellianism subscale and the two mach-iv facets did not differ (based on nonsignificant z-scores for correlation differences). moreover, a regression of the sd3 mach subscale on the two mach-iv facets showed that both were unique contributors to the model (cynical β .38, p .001; manipulative β .33, p .001). the sd3 psychopathy subscale was also well balanced: correlations between the sd3 measure of psychopathy and the four facets of the srp were all similar (i.e., no significant correlation differences using z-tests). when sd3 psychopathy was regressed on the four facets of the srp, each made a positive contribution (manipulation β .33, p .001; callous affect β .24, p .001; erratic lifestyle β .17, p .002; antisocial behavior β .25, p .001). the sd3 narcissism subscale was also well balanced: correlations with the two npi facets were similar in size (i.e., no significant correlation difference using z-tests). regressing sd3 narcissism on the two npi facets revealed positive and significant contributions (exploitative/ entitlement β .42, p .001; leadership/authority affect β .35, p .001). dirty dozen. compared with the sd3 versions, all three dd subscales showed weaker correlations with the facets of its corresponding standard (table 6). the dd psychopathy subscale seemed to have only scattered coverage of the srp:  when it was regressed on the four srp facets, only manipulation and antisocial behavior were positive predictors (manipulation β .67, p .001; antisocial behavior affect β .24, p .001). the other two facets were negative predictors of the dd (manipulation β .11, p .11; erratic lifestyle β .085, p .19). these results suggest that the dd does not cover the full range of psychopathy (confirming miller et al., 2012). given its poor validities and its imbalanced facet coverage, we put the remaining dd analyses online at www.psych.ubc .ca/ dpaulhus/online_material/sd3/ interpersonal circumplex. according to previous research and theory (jones & paulhus, 2011b; trapnell &wiggins, 1998), all three members of the dark triad should be correlated with the bc octant of the circumplex. this octant is characterized by high levels of dominance, low levels of nurturance, and has sometimes been referred to as the hostile or antagonistic octant (horowitz et al., 2006). as expected, each sd3 subscale correlated with dominance, (low) nurturance, and the bc octant score in a fashion similar to that of the standard dark triad members. a series of z-tests confirmed that the sd3 subscale and its standard counterpart had statistically comparable correlations with dominance, nurturance, and the bc octant (all z-scores 1.41). as is clear from table 7, the exact circumplex locations of the dark triad members also replicated previous research. for the standard measures, psychopathy and mach showed the high-dominance/low-nurturance pattern with narcissism showing high-dominance and moderate-nurturance. the same pattern was observed for the sd3 subscales. this correspondence adds further construct validity to the sd3 subscales based on their location in personality space (bradlee & emmons, 1992).  
  36  assessment 21(1)  table 7. projections of the sd3 and standard measures onto the interpersonal circumplex. scale machiavellianism scales mach-iv sd3-mach psychopathy scales srp sd3-psych. narcissism scales npi sd3-narcissism  dominance nurturance bc octant .18a* .12a   .49a**  .43a**  .35a** .37a**  .42b** .41b**   .42a**  .49a**  .43ab** .49b**  .58c** .65c**   .06b .02b  .29a** .35a**  note. npi narcissistic personality inventory; sd3 short dark triad. n 230. within columns, correlations with different subscripts are significantly different (p .05). all tests are two-tailed. *p .05. **p .01.  study 4: informant perceptions many reputable sources argue that corroboration by close informants (e.g., peers, spouses) is the most credible method for validating a self-report instrument (mccrae & weiss, 2007). when successful, the method demonstrates agreement between self-perceptions and social consensus regarding the personality of a set of targets (vazire, 2006). in the case of dark personalities, a key advantage of informant reports is that they are not threatened by contamination with socially desirable responding. however, informant judgments are typically more highly intercorrelated than are self-ratings (mccrae, herbst, & costa, 2001). in the case of dark personalities, this method variance is likely to be especially strong because of the strong negative halo factor that aversive variables share (furr & bacharach, 2008). hence, simultaneous validation of three overlapping variables will be especially difficult. the task requires establishing distinct informant measures and matching them to their corresponding self-report measures. fortunately, we were able to draw on previous work by nathanson (2003). from a variety of rating dimensions, he isolated three item sets to represent the dark triad. the four machiavellianism items were as follows: (a) sees him/herself as a trickster (amorality), (b) is a clever bargainer (manipulation tactics), and (c) admires cunning people, like shrewd lawyers and businessmen (cynical worldview). the three psychopathy items were (a) is callous toward others (callousness), (b) takes risks for no good reason (erratic lifestyle), and (c) has no respect for society’s rules (antisocial behavior). the two narcissism items were (a) loves the spotlight (vanity) and (b) keeps turning the conversation back to him or herself (entitlement). in a sample of 99 students, nathanson (2003) found a reasonable correspondence between the informant rating composites and the traditional self-report measures of the  dark triad. correlations between the self- and corresponding informant-ratings averaged .38 whereas the off-diagonals averaged .19. in short, the self and informant ratings validated each other: the traditional questionnaires were able to predict social consensus and the informant ratings were shown to capture the same individual differences as the standard self-reports. the present study evaluated whether the sd3 scales could predict informant ratings. given their brevity, however, we did not expect the sd3 associations to be as high as those achieved by nathanson (2003).  method a total of 65 participants completed the sd3 via amazon’s mechanical turk. again, country of origin was restricted to canada and the united states. the mean age was 20.1 and 60% were female. they were offered extra payment if they provided the address of one acquaintance who knew them well enough to rate their personality. the informants included friends, family members, and romantic partners. to minimize double responding, target participants were excluded if the informant ip address matched the target’s ip address. participants had to agree not to ask the informants about their ratings. informants were instructed as follows: (a) they were not allowed to send their ratings to the target person and (b) to be as objective as possible; their ratings would not be useful otherwise. a total of 65 informant ratings were received.  results alpha reliabilities for the sd3 subscales were .71, .77, and .80 for narcissism, machiavellianism, and psychopathy respectively. the corresponding values for the informant composite ratings were .67, .62, and .86. as expected, correlations among the informant subscales (mean .46) were higher than those among the self-report subscales (mean .29). the top half of table 8 displays the correlations between the sd3 subscales and the three informant rating composites. the high diagonal values indicate substantial convergence of corresponding self- and informant ratings. note that correlations with the informant ratings are generally higher for psychopathy because of its substantially higher alpha. hence, the reader should focus on the values in parentheses, which are disattenuated for unreliability. it then becomes clear that the sd3 convergent validities are the largest values in each column. for the bottom half of table 8, we used regression analyses to control for overlap among the informant composites (beta values in first set of parentheses). we then controlled for overlap among the self-report subscales (beta values in the second set of parentheses). in all cases, the diagonal  
  37  jones and paulhus table 8. validation of sd3 subscales against corresponding informant reports. informant reports narcissism machiavellianism psychopathy sd3 subscales narcissism machiavellianism psychopathy narcissism machiavellianism psychopathy  correlations .34* (.52) .14 (.20) .46* (.49*) .21 (.31) .42* (.59*) .51* (.55*) .21 (.31) .35* (.47*) .57* (.61*) regression coefficients .45*/.42* .00/ .17 .32*/.40* .10/.01 .48*/.41* .28*/.32* .18/.02 .28*/.19 .43*/.50*  note. sd3 short dark triad. n 65. boldfaced values represent informant validation of the sd3 scales. in the correlations, the values in parentheses are disattenuated to control for alpha differences. in the regression results, values are controlled for overlap among the sd3 scales and then for overlap among the informant composites. *p .01 (two-tailed tests).  values are higher than the off-diagonals. in short, the peer ratings corroborated the sd3 scores for all three of the dark triad. we were pleasantly surprised that these validities stood up well in comparison with those reported by nathanson (2003) using the traditional full scales. instead of .36, .38, and .43, for narcissism, machiavellianism, and psychopathy, the sd3 validities were .42, .34, and .57, respectively. thus, use of our brief measures actually increased the mean validity for two of the three constructs. our mean diagonal correlation was 44.3—substantially larger than the mean off-diagonal of 33.7. it should be noted that there is less differentiation among the informant reports than among self-reports. in particular, those rated high in psychopathy by informants scored high on all three of the sd3. we address this point below in the general discussion.  general discussion this report has described the creation and preliminary validation of the sd3 questionnaire. after a review of the seminal literature, we generated items, subjected them to a variety of analyses, and found support for their differentiation into the expected three factors. to represent them, we formed three 9-item composites, and examined their external correlates. our four studies suggest that the sd3 achieves an optimal compromise between instrument brevity and respectable reliability and validity. using a variety of approaches, we showed that the sd3 subscales provide useful proxies for the established dark triad measures they were meant to replace. we confirmed that the three subscales fell in the theoretically appropriate circumplex locations and provided full coverage of the  classic constructs. gender differences paralleled those of the longer measures. of particular importance, we demonstrated external validity by showing that the sd3 scales predicted corresponding informant-ratings. hence, the dark triad constructs are not just artifacts of self-report variance. the sd3 questionnaire has already drawn support from other research groups (e.g., arvan, 2011; ashton-james & levordashka, 2013; baughman, dearing, giammarco, & vernon, 2011; giammarco, atkinson, baughman, veselka, & vernon, 2013; holtzman, 2011; lee et al., 2013). for example, ashton-james and levordashka (2013) used the sd3 to demonstrate discriminant validity at the behavioral level: narcissists, but not psychopaths or machiavellians, mimic high-status others. in sum, empirical support for the sd3 extends well beyond cross-sectional in our research and elsewhere.  limitations although they were inconsistent, some cross-loadings appeared in our latent variable procedures. they were not unexpected, given that we hypothesized overlap among our three constructs. for that reason, we turned to the hybrid method, esem, held to be superior for multifactor instruments such as ours (see asparouhov & muthen, 2009; marsh et al., 2009). that method helped address the limitation and jibes with the fact that the sd3 scales perform well in both concurrent and predictive validity. a second limitation has to do with our informant rating scales. of the three, the psychopathy measure showed the highest correlations with the sd3. we traced part of this advantage to a substantially higher alpha for psychopathy. even after adjusting for differential alphas, the psychopathy scale showed the highest correlations. future research should include development of improved informant rating scales. in addition, future research should go beyond rating measures to concrete behavior. we have already begun to study some possible behavioral outcomes (paulhus & jones, 2013).  alternatives for researchers with sufficient space and time, the standard measures remain an option for measuring the dark triad. other brief measures are also available. best researched is the 12-item “dirty dozen” (jonason & webster, 2010). unfortunately, the consequences of its extreme brevity have drawn criticism (see our introduction). two other brief measures are also noteworthy (harms, roberts, & kuncel, 2004; macneil, whaley, & holden, 2007). unfortunately, the authors of these conference presentations have yet not followed up on these measures. future research may support their utility.  
  38  assessment 21(1)  the sd3, we have argued, meets acceptable psychometric standards while capturing the classic conceptions of the dark triad traits. at the same time, its brevity will permit researchers to pursue dark triad research even when time and space are at a premium.  appendix  7. 8. 9.  i have never gotten into trouble with the law. (r) i enjoy having sex with people i hardly know i’ll say anything to get what i want.  note. the subscale headings should be removed before the sd3 is administered. items should be kept in the same order. reversals are indicated with (r). declaration of conflicting interests  the short dark triad (sd3) instructions: please indicate how much you agree with each of the following statements  the authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.  funding disagree strongly  disagree  neither agree nor disagree  agree  agree strongly  2  3  4  5  1  machiavellianism 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.  it’s not wise to tell your secrets. i like to use clever manipulation to get my way. whatever it takes, you must get the important people on your side. avoid direct conflict with others because they may be useful in the future. it’s wise to keep track of information that you can use against people later. you should wait for the right time to get back at people. there are things you should hide from other people to preserve your reputation. make sure your plans benefit yourself, not others. most people can be manipulated.  narcissism 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.  people see me as a natural leader. i hate being the center of attention. (r) many group activities tend to be dull without me. i know that i am special because everyone keeps telling me so. i like to get acquainted with important people. i feel embarrassed if someone compliments me. (r) i have been compared to famous people. i am an average person. (r) i insist on getting the respect i deserve.  psychopathy 1. i like to get revenge on authorities. 2. i avoid dangerous situations. (r) 3. payback needs to be quick and nasty. 4. people often say i’m out of control. 5. it’s true that i can be mean to others. 6. people who mess with me always regret it.  the author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: the authors received financial support for this research from the social science and humanities research council of canada.  notes 1.  2.  3. 4.  5.  even the behavior–genetic profiles are different. although all three have a clear genetic component, machiavellianism also has environmental roots (vernon, villani, vicker, & harris, 2008). alternative interpretations of the core include honestyhumility (ashton & lee, 2008; lee & ashton, 2005), agreeableness (jakobwitz & egan, 2006), and deceptiveness (giammarco et al., 2013). because gender differences in the pattern of correlations were minimal, we pooled male and female respondents. subsequently, one psychopathy item was replaced with a comparably performing item “i enjoy having sex with people i hardly know.” the original item “i like to pick on losers” overlapped with a fourth dark dimension, namely, sadistic personality (buckels, jones, & paulhus, 2013). of the three, narcissism is closest to neutral on nurturance (see, bradlee & emmons, 1992; see also, rhodewalt & morf, 1995; ruiz, smith, & rhodewalt, 2001). that finding is consistent with an extended agency interpretation (campbell & foster, 2007).  references ames, d. r., rose, p., & anderson, c. p. (2006). the npi-16 as a short measure of narcissism. journal of research in personality, 40, 440-450. arvan, m. (2011). bad news for conservatives: moral judgments and the dark triad personality traits: a correlational study. neuroethics. doi:10.1007/s12152-011-9140-6 ashton, m. c., & lee, k. (2008). the prediction of honestyhumility-related criteria by the hexaco and five-factor models of personality. journal of research in personality, 42, 1216-1228. ashton-james, c. e., & levordashka, a. (2013). when the wolf wears sheep’s clothing: individual differences in the desire to be liked influence nonconscious behavioral mimicry. social psychological and personality science, 4, 643-648.  
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